Buried deep inside a 192-page intelligence authorization bill is Section 622, titled “United States-Israel Intelligence Sharing Enhancement.” It would require the president, acting through the director of national intelligence and as necessary the secretary of defense, to “expand and enhance intelligence sharing with the Government of Israel” on a list of subjects that encompasses almost every topic of intelligence interest in the Middle East .
The bill, put forward by Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Ark.), the chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee, would prohibit any suspension, reduction, or limitation of such sharing “except on the basis of a specific and identifiable national security concern determined by the President.” Any such exception would require a report to Congress within fifteen days detailing not only the reason for the change but also the categories of information involved. The same report would require an assessment of the anticipated impact on regional security and various other matters.
This proposal is one of several recent moves by those in Washington who carry the Israeli government’s water to keep the United States tied to Israel despite plummeting support for the country among the American public. The most salient form of U.S. support to Israel has been more than $300 billion in economic and especially military assistance. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has tried to get ahead of the declining public support and avoid embarrassing losses by suggesting it would be fine with him to phase out the military aid.
Israel’s strategy and that of its U.S. supporters is now to rely on ties with, and support from, the United States that are not as salient as the military aid with its prominent price tag. The strategy includes forms of military integration that are less visible than congressionally appropriated grant aid and therefore less publicly accountable. Section 224 of a defense authorization bill currently in the House of Representatives embodies this form of integration.
The mandating of intelligence sharing carries this strategy further by moving it into the shadowy world of relations between intelligence agencies. That world is even farther removed from public visibility and accountability than the defense integration, and even less likely to stimulate thoughts about American taxpayers’ money going to a foreign country. So far, Section 622 of the intelligence bill has received less attention than Section 224 of the defense bill.
The notion of legislating an intelligence liaison relationship in this way, with any foreign country, is bizarre. Liaison with counterpart foreign services, including exchanges of information, is an important but complex part of the intelligence business. The nature of a liaison relationship depends partly on the temperature of the overall political relationship with the country in question but also on other factors known mostly to intelligence officers. These include the collection requirements levied on them, their ability or inability to meet those requirements with national resources, their assessment of the foreign service’s ability and willingness to fill collection gaps, the role that any trading of information plays as quid pro quos in operational cooperation, and the risks of compromising intelligence sources and methods.
Moreover, no single liaison relationship exists in isolation. The U.S. intelligence services need to consider possible implications for their other foreign relationships. For example, one generally does not share with country A information about country B if the United States has a relationship with B that is about at the same level as it has with A. Intelligence liaison involves a hierarchy of relationships, ranging from extensive cooperation with close allies to carefully limited ad hoc exchanges with adversaries. The intelligence community has a staff with the full-time job of monitoring and managing this set of relationships to prevent crossed wires. A congressional mandate regarding a single relationship increases the chance of crossed wires.
An irony is that the Congress considering this mandate is the same Congress that has in effect surrendered to the president its powers under Article I of the Constitution to set tariff rates and to decide whether to wage war. And yet, Section 622 would involve congressional micromanagement of a matter that by its nature needs to be the business of the executive branch and especially the intelligence agencies.
In intelligence, Israel is more of an adversary than an ally. Being an adversary in intelligence means indulging in the hostile act of espionage. Israel has a long record of conducting that type of hostile act against the United States. The best-known case involves the spy Jonathan Pollard, who stole such an overwhelming volume of U.S. secrets that then-Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger stated to the court that sentenced Pollard that it was difficult “ to conceive of a greate…
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Bias read (Center): The article presents statements from Senator John Thune and mentions opposition from Democrats without overtly favoring either side. It includes direct quotes from Thune and references actions taken by both Republicans and Democrats, providing a balanced view of the situation.
Official sources cited
- government Senator John Thune's statement to reporters
- government Senator John Thune's comments to Punchbowl News
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Bias read (Right): The article frames the issue as a criticism of Democratic inaction and emphasizes the necessity of Section 702 for national security, using language that highlights the threat posed by terrorists and the bureaucratic hurdles without adequately balancing these claims with counterarguments or detailed
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Bias read (Right): The article frames the expiration of Section 702 as a negative consequence of Democratic actions, emphasizing the increased difficulty for federal agencies in tracking threats. Language such as 'Democrats just made the feds' job a whole lot harder' and the portrayal of the policy change as occurring
Official sources cited
- government Markwayne Mullin, Homeland Security Secretary
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Bias read (Right): The article frames the situation through a narrative emphasizing heightened threats and criticism of state policies regarding immigration enforcement. It uses language such as 'slamming' states for suspending partnerships and focuses on domestic terrorism without providing counterpoints or balanced
Official sources cited
- government Markwayne Mullin, Homeland Security Secretary
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Bias read (Center): The article presents the situation objectively, noting the expiration of FISA Section 702 and the failure of Congress to extend it, without overtly favoring one political side. It mentions Democratic outrage but does not editorialize or present biased language.
Official sources cited
- government Congressional records
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Bias read (Center): The article presents the situation neutrally, acknowledging differing perspectives without taking a stance or using biased language.
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Bias read (Center): The article presents both the concerns raised by officials and lawmakers regarding the expiration of FISA and acknowledges that surveillance can still continue. There is no evident bias toward either side, with balanced presentation of the issue without overtly favoring one perspective over another.
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Bias read (Center): The article presents a straightforward statement without overtly biased language or framing. It does not take a clear stance on the issue but mentions a possible action (turning to the courts) without emphasizing any particular perspective.
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Bias read (Center): The article presents facts without overtly favoring any side. It reports on the controversy surrounding FISA Section 702 and mentions opposition from a bipartisan group of senators, as well as the administration's request for an extension. The framing remains neutral, focusing on the legal and situ
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Bias read (Center): The article presents multiple perspectives without overtly favoring any side. It includes statements from both Republican lawmakers and a former government official discussing international health issues, suggesting balanced coverage of a politically charged topic.
Official sources cited
- government Representative Ryan Mackenzie (R-PA)
- government Senator Rick Scott (R-FL)
- government Dr. Deborah Birx
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Bias read (Center): The article presents Rep. Mackenzie's views without overtly favoring any particular political side. It reports his positions on FISA, Iran policy, and inflation without editorializing or emphasizing one perspective over another.
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Official sources cited
- government Section 622 of the intelligence authorization bill
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