The student who fled to Zagreb because of Vucic: "Serbia is free! A new era begins in relations with Croatia"
Croatian broadcaster N1 interviewed Branislav Đorđević, a Serbian student who has resided in Zagreb for 19 months after being accused of preparing a coup d'etat during previous protests in Belgrade. Đorđević expressed strong satisfaction with the recent election results in Serbia, stating that the 'Student List' won 141 mandates in the Assembly and successfully defended the citizens' electoral will against attempts at fraud. He noted that President Aleksandar Vučić’s immediate admission of defeat was surprising, attributing this shift to significant international pressure and the inability to overturn a 30-seat margin through vote manipulation. The interviewee criticized Vučić for blaming Croatia and specific individuals for his loss rather than accepting personal responsibility, describing him as a poor loser. Looking ahead, Đorđević predicted improved living standards, anti-corruption measures, and a new era of positive diplomatic relations between Croatia and Serbia, while confirming he intends to return to Serbia after completing his education.
Belgrade police chief Marko Kricak was arrested on Sunday morning following a court order issued by the Higher Public Prosecutor’s Office in Belgrade. He faces charges of abuse of official position related to the investigation into the May murder of organized crime figure Aleksandar Nesovic. Kricak, who serves as the head of the Criminal Police Directorate, was detained alongside Bisko Sekulovic, the head of the Crime Suppression Service. The arrests were executed based on a criminal complaint filed by the lawyers of Veselin Milic, the former head of the Belgrade police administration. According to the complaint submitted by Milic’s legal team, Kricak and Sekulovic allegedly manipulated evidence and pressured witnesses and defendants during the investigation. The objective, according to the filing, was to force testimonies to align with a predetermined narrative that implicated Milic in the homicide. Milic, who held the dual roles of deputy director of police and head of the Belgrade police unit at the time of the incident, was initially named in the police report for the killing. However, subsequent investigative findings indicated he was not present at the restaurant when the shooting occurred. The underlying case involves the death of Aleksandar Nesovic, known by the nickname Baja, who was linked to the criminal group led by Dejan Stojanovic, alias Keke. Prosecutors stated that the events began around 11 p.m. on May 12, when Nesovic arrived at Restaurant 27 in the Senjak district of Belgrade in an armored BMW X7. The indictment claims that Milic invited Nesovic to the meeting, advising him to arrive without security detail. Although Nesovic initially hesitated upon seeing vehicles belonging to the suspects, he entered the establishment after receiving a phone call from Sasa Vukovic, with whom he had prior conflicts. Prosecutors allege that after a dispute, Vukovic fired several shots at Nesovic. The weapon used was reportedly secured by Danka Vukovic, who passed it to Marija S., who then handed it to Vukovic upon arrival. Following the shooting, Dejan S. assisted the attackers in escaping, driving them toward Sapce, then to Lake Dobrodol, and finally to Stara Pazova. Nesovic’s body was discovered on May 21 in a barrel in the municipality of Indjija. His disappearance was reported by his unmarried partner after his mobile phone stopped working. Vukovic, aged 48, and Marija S., aged 46, are suspected of aggravated murder, illegal possession and trafficking of weapons, and causing general danger. Danka Vukovic, aged 42, faces charges for illegal holding and trafficking of weapons. Several other individuals have been charged with failing to report a crime and aiding perpetrators after the fact. Media reports indicate that Milic had personally invited Vukovic to the venue with the intention of reconciling him with Nesovic, but the attempt failed, leading to the fatal altercation. Milic’s legal representatives filed the complaint against Kricak and Sekulovic on July 30, 2026. In a statement released by the law firm Vasiljevic Legal, the attorneys argued that the accused officials withheld evidence available to them that would have proven the allegations against Milic false. They claimed that through unlawful actions driven by personal motives, Kricak and Sekulovic discredited Milic publicly and contributed to his removal from his post as head of the Belgrade police administration. Prior to these developments, the Higher Public Prosecutor’s Office dismissed the criminal complaint against Milic regarding aiding the perpetrator after the crime on June 9. On July 6, a council of the Higher Court in Belgrade ordered that Milic defend himself from liberty. Subsequently, on July 10, prosecutors filed a proposal for indictment against Milic, alleging he failed to report the aggravated murder committed while he was performing official duties. They further alleged he inserted false data into official records and omitted crucial facts regarding his contacts with participants in the incident. Kricak’s career in the security sector rose significantly during the tenure of former President Aleksandar Vučić. Before joining the security services, he worked as a salesperson for luxury automobiles. He began his service in the Security Intelligence Agency, specifically in the Fifth Directorate responsible for counter-intelligence protection of agency personnel. He later transferred to the Ministry of Internal Affairs. After Milic was appointed head of Belgrade police in 2020, Kricak returned to the intelligence agency. In 2022, he was reassigned to police service as deputy commander of the Unit for Securing Certain Persons and Objects. By July 2023, he became the commander of that unit. Kricak gained public prominence during student protests, where he and members of his unit faced accusations of brutality. One notable incident involved the detention of multiple demonstrators inside the Government building. A student named Nikolina Sindjelic publicly accused him of violence and threats of rape. Despite opposition from parts of the professional community and members of the Criminal Police Directorate, Kricak was appointed to lead the Criminal Police Directorate at the end of 2025. He becomes the first head of that specific police department to be arrested. Four suspects in the Nesovic murder investigation claimed they were beaten by police officers after being detained. The owner of Restaurant 27 testified that several police officers assaulted him, identifying one of them as Kricak. Vučić had publicly praised Kricak on multiple occasions. Recently, representatives of the Student List, which won recent elections, demanded the resignations of several officials, including Kricak. Kricak did not submit his resignation before his arrest. The Student List movement emerged in November 2024 following the collapse of a concrete canopy at a train station in Novi Sad, which killed 16 people. The movement campaigned without a designated leader and defeated Vučić’s coalition in the recent parliamentary election, securing 140 out of 250 seats.
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This profile examines the rise and fall of Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić, who recently lost power after his party was defeated by a student movement in parliamentary elections. The article traces his career from serving as an information minister under Slobodan Milosevic in the late 1990s to becoming a dominant political figure for fourteen years. It highlights his controversial past, including a 1995 speech inciting violence against Croats, and notes that his later shift toward pro-European conservatism did not involve distancing himself from associates linked to war crimes. While Vučić promoted infrastructure projects and foreign investment as signs of stability and growth, critics argue these efforts masked economic inequality and authoritarian tendencies such as media control and corruption. His recent defeat marks a significant political transition in Serbia, ending his tenure as president and premier.
Bias read (Progressive): The article frames Vučić’s legacy through critical lenses, emphasizing accusations of authoritarianism, corruption, and historical complicity in war crimes. It contrasts his self-presentation as a stable leader with descriptions of his policies as masking inequality and relying on state-controlled媒体
Why factuality: no official source document/info detected
Why objectivity (85): Objective retrospective analysis. While it outlines criticisms (authoritarianism, corruption), these are framed as the reasons for the opposition's success rather than the author's personal moral judgments.
N1 HrvatskaIndependentConservativeFactual: no official source document/info detectedObjective 80
Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić voted in early parliamentary elections before addressing members of the media. During the interaction, he reacted sharply to questions posed by Croatian journalists, accusing Croatia of interfering in Serbia’s internal political processes. Vučić stated that his political option would accept the election results regardless of the outcome, describing the vote as a decision between moving toward the future or returning to a period of economic destruction and political humiliation. When asked by a reporter from Vecernji list to provide specific examples of alleged interference, Vučić responded by telling Croatians to wait, asserting that these were Serbian elections rather than Croatian ones. The incident highlighted tensions between the two countries regarding media presence and perceived foreign influence during the electoral process.
Bias read (Conservative): The article frames the event through the lens of a diplomatic conflict where the Serbian president explicitly rebukes Croatian media for interference. By highlighting the accusation of 'interference' and quoting the dismissive remark that these are 'Serbian, not Croatian elections,' the piece adopts
Why factuality: no official source document/info detected
Why objectivity (80): Maintains a relatively neutral stance by presenting the conflict directly through quotes. It allows the reader to judge Vučić's reaction to the accusation of interference without injecting the author's own moral judgment.
Dnevnik.hrIndependentProgressiveFactual: no official source document/info detectedObjective 65
A movement originating from student protests in Serbia has evolved into a significant political force capable of overthrowing President Aleksandar Vučić after 14 years in power. The article describes this transition from street activism to electoral success, noting that the group lacked traditional leadership structures during its initial phase. It highlights that the path to victory was marked by external pressures, attacks, and fears of potential violence. The piece references a dramatic election night where reports suggested Vučić was close to attempting a violent coup before receiving a call that altered the outcome.
Bias read (Progressive): The article frames the opposition movement positively as a successful democratic force ('achieved what seemed impossible') while portraying the incumbent president negatively through terms like 'overthrow' and emphasizing threats of 'violent coup' and 'bloodshed.' This narrative structure aligns pro
Why factuality: no official source document/info detected
Why objectivity (65): Narrative journalism style that frames the story as a triumph against odds. While largely factual, the phrasing ('overcame the impossible,' 'toppled') carries a heroic undertone favorable to the student movement.
N1 HrvatskaIndependentProgressiveFactual: no official source document/info detectedObjective 60
Croatian broadcaster N1 interviewed Branislav Đorđević, a Serbian student who has resided in Zagreb for 19 months after being accused of preparing a coup d'etat during previous protests in Belgrade. Đorđević expressed strong satisfaction with the recent election results in Serbia, stating that the 'Student List' won 141 mandates in the Assembly and successfully defended the citizens' electoral will against attempts at fraud. He noted that President Aleksandar Vučić’s immediate admission of defeat was surprising, attributing this shift to significant international pressure and the inability to overturn a 30-seat margin through vote manipulation. The interviewee criticized Vučić for blaming Croatia and specific individuals for his loss rather than accepting personal responsibility, describing him as a poor loser. Looking ahead, Đorđević predicted improved living standards, anti-corruption measures, and a new era of positive diplomatic relations between Croatia and Serbia, while confirming he intends to return to Serbia after completing his education.
Bias read (Progressive): The article relies exclusively on the perspective of a single source, Branislav Đorđević, who is associated with the opposition movement that defeated the ruling party. The framing adopts his narrative entirely, using terms like 'freedom,' 'defending electoral will,' and 'liberated' to describe the
Why factuality: no official source document/info detected
Why objectivity (60): Highly subjective due to reliance on a partisan interviewee (Đorđević). Quotes include strong emotional language ('freedom', 'bad loser') and definitive political assessments that reflect the subject's bias rather than neutral journalism.
Index.hrIndependentProgressiveFactual: no official source document/info detectedObjective 50
Croatian actor Ammar Mešić, known for his role in the series 'In Good and Bad', has publicly addressed upcoming early parliamentary elections in Serbia. Mešić, who claims he lost acting roles in Serbia due to his criticism of President Aleksandar Vučić and support for student protests, urged citizens to vote against the Serbian Progressive Party. In a social media post, he thanked students for their two-year activism and specifically appealed to supporters of the ruling party, stating they are under pressure but can exercise their freedom by voting for change. He emphasized national unity across religious lines and called for a more just society, concluding with a message of hope for a 'free Serbia'. The article notes that Mešić previously worked in construction after being blacklisted from the entertainment industry.
Bias read (Progressive): The article presents the perspective of a critic of the current government, framing the election as a choice between 'life' and the status quo. It highlights the actor's personal persecution narrative ('blacklisted') to validate his political stance. The tone is supportive of protest movements and反对
Why factuality: no official source document/info detected
Why objectivity (50): Strongly partisan. Frames the student movement as a moral awakening and explicitly calls on readers to vote against the ruling party. Highly subjective and promotional in tone.
Index.hrIndependentConservativeFactual: no official source document/info detectedObjective 40
The article argues that Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić has lost political support due to widespread public fatigue rather than strong opposition performance. It criticizes his frequent media appearances and dramatic rhetoric, which portrayed Serbia as under constant threat from neighbors like Croatia, Albania, and Kosovo, as well as international actors. The piece highlights the November 2024 collapse of a concrete canopy at the Novi Sad railway station, which killed 16 people, as a tragic catalyst for student protests that exposed institutional corruption and safety failures. Instead of addressing these systemic issues, the government labeled the demonstrations as foreign-backed attempts to destabilize the country. The author notes that despite constitutional limits similar to those of Croatian President Zoran Milanović, Vučić effectively controlled state decisions, leading to a loss of trust among citizens who increasingly seek work abroad.
Bias read (Conservative): The article employs highly critical and sarcastic language toward the incumbent president, describing him as 'annoying' and comparing his governance style negatively to other leaders. It frames the student protests as justified responses to tragedy and corruption, while dismissing the government's '
Why factuality: no official source document/info detected
Why objectivity (40): Highly sarcastic and critical tone toward Vučić, using terms like 'bored' and comparing him to fictional characters, which constitutes significant editorial bias.
Marko Kričak, the head of Serbia’s Criminal Police Directorate, was arrested by order of the Belgrade Higher Public Prosecutor’s Office on suspicion of abusing his official position. His detention is linked to the investigation into the mafia-style murder of Aleksandar Nešović in a restaurant in Belgrade. Former Belgrade police chief Veselin Milić claims that Kričak and another senior officer attempted to frame him for the crime after initial evidence placed Milić at the scene. Prosecutors allege that Kričak fabricated evidence and pressured witnesses to fit their narrative. The article notes that Kričak built his career during the tenure of President Aleksandar Vučić, who has publicly praised him in the past.
Bias read (Conservative): The article emphasizes the arrest of a high-ranking official under President Vučić, explicitly noting that the president had publicly praised him, which frames the event as a significant political scandal within the ruling regime rather than a routine law enforcement action.
Marko Kričak, head of Serbia’s Criminal Police Directorate, was arrested on Sunday morning by order of the Belgrade Higher Public Prosecutor’s Office on suspicion of abusing his official position. He faces charges related to the murder of Aleksandar Nešović, a figure linked to the criminal group of Dejan Stojanović, who was killed in May at a restaurant in Belgrade. Prosecutors allege that Kričak fabricated evidence and pressured witnesses and suspects to fit their accounts into a predetermined narrative during the investigation. The case originated after former Belgrade police chief Veselin Milić invited Nešović to a meeting where he was allegedly shot by Saša V. Following the incident, several individuals were charged with homicide, illegal possession of weapons, and aiding perpetrators. Kričak had previously led the police operation investigating this specific crime, which initially implicated Milić before shifting focus to other suspects.
Bias read (Conservative): The headline uses pejorative adjectives like 'notorious' and explicitly labels the victim a 'mafioso', framing the arrest as a moral victory against organized crime rather than a neutral report on judicial proceedings.
Marko Kričak, head of Serbia’s Criminal Police Directorate, was arrested on suspicion of abusing his official position after a criminal complaint filed by the lawyers of Veselin Milić, former deputy director of police. The investigation centers on the murder of Aleksandar Nešović Baji at a Belgrade restaurant, where prosecutors allege Kričak forged evidence and pressured witnesses to align their testimonies with a predetermined narrative. Kričak’s career rose significantly during the tenure of Prime Minister Aleksandar Vučić, who publicly praised him multiple times despite allegations of brutality during student protests and the current case. Four suspects in the murder trial have claimed they were beaten by police officers, including Kričak, according to witness accounts. Although student representatives recently called for his resignation, he has not stepped down, marking a significant scandal within Serbian law enforcement.
Bias read (Progressive): The article emphasizes accusations of state violence against protesters, omits any defense from authorities, and highlights the close ties between the suspect and the ruling leader.
Marko Kričak, head of Serbia’s Criminal Police Directorate, was arrested on suspicion of abusing his official position in connection with the murder case of Aleksandar Nešović, known as Baje. The arrest followed a criminal complaint filed by Veselin Milić, former head of Belgrade police, who alleged that Kričak fabricated evidence and pressured witnesses to fit a predetermined narrative. Milić had previously been detained alongside ten others for allegedly participating in the crime and covering up traces, though charges against three of his security officers were later dropped due to lack of evidence. Legal representatives for Milić claimed that prosecutors failed to disclose exculpatory evidence and used the case to discredit him publicly, leading to his removal from office. The article notes that Milić has since been released from detention but remains under investigation, while Kričak faces charges of tampering with evidence and witness intimidation.
Bias read (Progressive): The article heavily emphasizes the perspective of Veselin Milić’s legal team, using their specific quotes to frame the arrests as politically motivated retaliation rather than standard law enforcement action.
Marko Kričak, head of Serbia’s Criminal Police Directorate, was arrested on Sunday morning by order of the Belgrade Higher Public Prosecutor’s Office on suspicion of abusing his official position. He faces charges related to the May murder of Aleksandar Nešović, known as Baja, who was killed in a restaurant in Belgrade after being lured there by former Belgrade police chief Veselin Milić. Prosecutors allege that Kričak fabricated evidence and pressured witnesses and suspects during the investigation to fit the facts into a predetermined narrative. The arrest follows a criminal complaint filed by Veselin Milić, who had initially been implicated in the case before becoming a complainant against Kričak. Other individuals involved in the murder, including Sasha V. and Marija S., have already been charged with homicide and weapons offenses.
Bias read (Conservative): The headline uses emotionally charged adjectives like 'notorious' and emphasizes the high-ranking status of the suspect, framing the event as a major scandal rather than a standard legal procedure.
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