Földi Károly elmondta, miért támogatta közel százmillió forinttal a Tiszát

Recent political developments in Hungary have highlighted shifting dynamics within the country's electoral landscape, as well as ongoing legal challenges involving high-profile figures. According to a survey conducted by the 21 Research Center, the Tisza Party continues to lead in public support among voters who can cast their ballots, with 67 percent backing compared to 24 percent for Fidesz. The third-largest parliamentary party, Mi Hazánk, holds 6 percent support according to the June-end survey published by 24.hu. When considering the entire population, the Tisza Party enjoys 57 percent support, while Fidesz trails behind with 20 percent, and Mi Hazánk stands at 5 percent. These numbers reflect a relatively stable situation for Fidesz, which had previously seen fluctuations in its popularity.

The methodology used in this survey involved a hybrid data collection approach between June 23 and July 1, with 1,500 respondents interviewed. Participants received an online questionnaire via SMS link, while individuals over 65 years of age were surveyed using telephone interviews. This method was also applied for the European Parliament elections in 2024 and the parliamentary elections in 2026. The sample was weighted based on the Central Statistical Office’s 2022 census data regarding place of residence, gender, age, and educational background. The survey results are representative of the general population, with a margin of error of plus or minus three percentage points when extrapolated to the whole population. For smaller parties, the margin of error could be even lower—approximately one percentage point for a party with three percent support.

This survey was part of an omnibus study, meaning multiple organizations commissioned the same questionnaire, and the institute covered the cost of asking about party preferences independently. The findings suggest that while the Tisza Party maintains a strong lead, Fidesz remains a significant force in Hungarian politics, albeit with a notable gap in voter support.

In parallel, legal proceedings continue against several high-ranking politicians accused of corruption related to park maintenance contracts. In early June, six officials were detained, including current Mayor of District II, Őrsi Gergely, former Fidesz mayor of District II, Láng Zsolt, former MSZP MP Molnár Zsolt, Fidesz leader of District IX, Puskás Péter, Momentum member Matisz Károly, and Szkaliczki Tünde. The Central Investigative Prosecutor’s Office recently announced plans to extend the detention of five suspects, including Őrsi Gergely, Láng Zsolt, and Molnár Zsolt, until October 4. However, the detention of Puskás Péter was lifted after prosecutors determined that the reasons for his arrest had been resolved.

According to the indictment, the alleged mastermind of the scheme, a businessperson running a company contracted to maintain parks in multiple municipalities, allegedly bribed officials to secure favorable terms and ensure smooth operations. The total amount of illicit benefits allegedly given away exceeds two billion forints. Initially, payments were made to Puskás Péter, who shared them with Czeglédy Gergő, an MSZP official from District III. After a political shift in leadership, the distribution changed, with funds being allocated to Szkaliczki Tünde, a Momentum member known for criticizing the contracts.

The investigation also revealed that the same businessperson allegedly bribed officials in District II, including both Láng Zsolt and later Őrsi Gergely, as well as Gór Csaba, head of the district’s electoral committee. Additionally, Molnár Zsolt, a former MSZP MP, reportedly accepted bribes to exert influence over local party leaders. Another aspect of the case involves a catering company group whose owner and manager allegedly bribed officials to secure contracts, with some payments funneled through Molnár Zsolt to Kőhegyi István, a former MSZP politician.

The alleged central figure in these activities is Z. Zsolt, the former owner of Pannonpark Kft., a company known for winning numerous green space renovation contracts in Budapest. He faces serious charges, including fraud, bid-rigging, and forgery. Prosecutors suggested that Z. Zsolt might have reached a plea deal with authorities, potentially reducing his sentence. His cooperation could have influenced the decision to lift Puskás Péter’s detention, although he had already served time in custody and under supervision.

Meanwhile, Földi Károly, a prominent businessman and major donor to the Tisza Party, explained his motivations for supporting the party with nearly 100 million forints. During an interview with hvg.hu, he stated that he began supporting Magyar Péter’s party because he believed it was the only option to challenge the corrupt system. Földi emphasized that many businesses supported the Tisza campaign due to frustration with the government’s mismanagement of resources and lack of transparency. Despite concerns about potential consequences if the Tisza Party did not win, Földi expressed willingness to take the risk, noting that some relationships ended due to differing political views.

These developments underscore the complex interplay between political movements, legal investigations, and economic interests in Hungary. As the upcoming elections approach, the outcomes of these cases and the continued rise of the Tisza Party will likely shape the nation’s political future.