La DSA utilise son nouveau pouvoir pour devenir encore plus extrême

The Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) have officially announced a sweeping plan to fundamentally alter the structure of the U.S. government, including the abolition of the Senate, the presidency, and the Supreme Court. The proposal, titled Workers Deserve More, was finalized in late 2026 after being drafted by elected members of the DSA between April and June of that year. It outlines a vision for a completely restructured political system, one that replaces the current constitutional framework with a model they describe as more democratic and equitable. According to the DSA's National Political Committee (NPC), the program was developed through a collaborative process involving its elected representatives. The document calls for the replacement of the two-party system with a multi-party democracy, expansion of the House of Representatives, implementation of proportional representation and ranked-choice voting in all elections, and the outright abolition of the Senate. This move would significantly shift the balance of power within the legislative branch, removing the Senate’s role as a check on majority rule. DSA co-chair Ashik Siddique defended the decision to eliminate the Senate, stating that it was not an "extreme" position but rather a necessary step toward greater democracy. He emphasized that the Senate, having operated under the terms of Article I, Section 3 of the U.S. Constitution since 1787, had long served as a counterweight to direct democracy, a concept the Founding Fathers feared could lead to instability and mob rule. Despite this historical context, Siddique dismissed concerns over the potential consequences, arguing that the changes would align the government more closely with the will of the people. The DSA’s plan extends beyond the legislative branch. It proposes replacing both the presidency and the Supreme Court with institutions entirely controlled by the expanded House of Representatives. Under this model, the executive and judicial branches would operate as extensions of Congress, eliminating the traditional checks and balances that have defined the U.S. government for centuries. The program also advocates for the public financing of all elections, the elimination of lobbying and dark money, and the repeal of the Citizens United ruling, which has been widely criticized for enabling corporate influence in politics. Michaela Brangan and Frances Gill, two prominent figures within the DSA, expressed confidence in the radical nature of the proposals. They described the dismantling of the existing political structure as a necessary evolution rather than an act of extremism. Brangan even framed the release of the program on Bastille Day, a date historically associated with revolutionary upheaval, as symbolic of the movement’s commitment to transformative change. However, she omitted the broader historical implications of the day, including the subsequent Reign of Terror and the eventual rise of Napoleon Bonaparte. The DSA’s plan also includes significant changes to the military and foreign policy. It calls for the closure of all foreign military bases, the defunding of the Department of Defense, and an end to all foreign wars. While the program does not advocate for an immediate cessation of foreign military aid altogether, it specifically targets Israel, proposing the termination of all financial assistance to the Jewish state. Additionally, the DSA supports the International Criminal Court’s authority to investigate and prosecute war crimes committed by U.S. personnel. The proposed reforms represent a dramatic departure from the current constitutional order, raising questions about the feasibility and legality of such drastic changes. As the DSA moves forward with implementing these policies, the debate over the future of American governance is likely to intensify, with opponents warning of the risks posed by abandoning established governmental structures.