More troops reporting unwanted sexual contact, but numbers still fall, Pentagon says

The Pentagon has reportedly taken steps to restrict public access to decades of annual weapons testing reports, citing national security concerns. According to a report by Responsible Statecraft, the Defense Department removed 25 years' worth of these reports from public view late last month. Critics argue the move could obscure potential flaws in U.S. military equipment, raising questions about transparency and accountability. The decision follows longstanding concerns over the reliability of weapons systems. Established in 1983, the Office of the Director, Operational Test and Evaluation (DOT&E) was created to provide independent oversight of weapon testing. This came after numerous incidents where faulty equipment led to casualties. For example, M16 rifles used in Vietnam were plagued by ammunition and jamming problems, yet were deployed due to pressure to equip troops quickly. These failures underscored the need for rigorous testing and independent review. The DOT&E office has historically served as a vital resource for the public, offering insights into the performance of major weapons programs. However, the Pentagon claims it has moved these reports to a secure extranet system accessible only through a Common Access Card, which requires an FBI background check. This change aims to prevent adversaries from using AI and other tools to compile data from the reports into detailed vulnerability profiles targeting U.S. infrastructure and defense capabilities. Despite the Pentagon's assertions, some experts suggest the removal is more limited. Greg Williams, director of the Project on Government Oversight’s Center for Defense Information, notes that the Pentagon only took down the landing pages of the reports from its website, leaving many reports still accessible via direct links. The Pentagon official did not confirm whether future reports will be restricted to the extranet or whether existing links remain functional. Efforts to weaken the DOT&E office have persisted for decades. Winslow Wheeler, a former budget analyst, describes a pattern of resistance from within the military-industrial complex. Corporate representatives and Pentagon officials have sought to limit the office’s influence, often framing its work as costly and disruptive to weapon deployment timelines. Despite these challenges, independent analyses have shown that the testing process does not unduly delay or inflate the cost of weapon programs. Congress has attempted to curtail the office’s authority multiple times. An unsuccessful effort in 1996 aimed to eliminate the office altogether, while a proposed amendment in 2015 would have required the DOT&E to avoid unnecessary interference with weapon schedules and budgets. Advocates warned such measures would compromise the office’s ability to identify and address systemic flaws. Independence has also been a challenge for the DOT&E. Military personnel conducting tests ultimately report to their respective service branches, which prioritize rapid deployment. Service leaders, particularly those nearing retirement, often have ties to defense contractors, creating conflicts of interest. As Dan Grazier of the Stimson Center explains, these dynamics have contributed to a gradual erosion of the office’s effectiveness. Wheeler notes that the content of recent annual reports has already been significantly softened, reducing their utility as a tool for public accountability. While the Pentagon maintains that the changes are necessary for security, the broader implications raise concerns about the balance between transparency and operational secrecy. The long-term impact of these actions on military readiness and public trust remains unclear.