Hungary’s parliament has elected András Baka, a former head of the country’s Supreme Court, as its new president. Baka, 73, won the position with 140 votes to six, marking a decisive shift in the nation’s political landscape. His election follows months of rapid legislative change aimed at dismantling the legacy of former Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s ruling Fidesz party. The transition began in early May when the newly formed government, led by Prime Minister Péter Tisza, launched a series of reforms targeting Orbán’s policies. Among these measures were the cancellation of emergency decrees related to migration, the coronavirus pandemic, and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. These powers had allowed Orbán to bypass regular parliamentary procedures, effectively consolidating authority. The new administration has also abolished the Sovereignty Protection Office, a body previously used to suppress dissent, and replaced it with the National Asset Recovery and Protection Office, granting it broad investigative powers over alleged corruption. Baka’s selection as president reflects the government’s intent to steer the country toward a more balanced governance model. However, his appointment has sparked controversy, particularly among members of Fidesz. All 51 lawmakers from the ruling party left the chamber before the vote, protesting the removal of their preferred candidate, Tamás Sulyok, from the presidential post earlier this month. Fidesz has accused the current government of creating a “tyranny,” despite having once ousted Baka himself in 2011 for resisting their attempts to erode judicial independence. As a former judge and member of the European Court of Human Rights, Baka brings a legal background that contrasts sharply with the populist style of Orbán. In a recent BBC interview, he emphasized his non-political stance, stating that his involvement in public life stemmed from his professional commitment to justice. During his inauguration speech, Baka called for open dialogue on drafting a new constitution, replacing the 2011 document that had enabled Orbán’s consolidation of power. He acknowledged the mixed emotions within society, noting that while many felt liberated, others remained uncertain about the future. Key constitutional amendments enacted by the Tisza government include limits on the term lengths of both the prime minister and members of parliament. The prime minister is now restricted to two terms, while MPs can serve up to three. Additionally, the Constitutional Court’s oversight role over parliamentary legislation has been reinstated, a power previously stripped by Fidesz. These changes signal a deliberate effort to curb executive overreach and reinforce institutional checks. Despite these reforms, tensions remain high. Baka has already expressed reservations about certain aspects of the new constitution, particularly the term limits for MPs. In a private conversation with the BBC prior to his election, he warned that such restrictions could be perceived as an encroachment on voter autonomy. This suggests that even within the new government, there are diverging views on how far reform should go. Meanwhile, public media outlets have undergone significant restructuring. State-owned radio and television stations have been silent since July 9 as they undergo a process of rebranding, aiming to distance themselves from their previous role as tools of Fidesz propaganda. Whether this transformation leads to genuine editorial independence remains to be seen. With Baka’s presidency set to last until the new constitution takes effect, or up to five years, his influence on the direction of Hungary’s political evolution will be keenly watched. As he concluded his inaugural address, Baka reaffirmed his belief that the state exists to serve the people, not the other way around. Whether this vision translates into action will depend on the complex interplay of legal principles, political realities, and societal expectations.
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