The fall—and the omissions—of Santos Cerdán has become one of the most controversial episodes in recent Spanish political history. The former secretary of Organization of the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE), Cerdán was arrested and imprisoned following allegations related to corruption and financial misconduct. His account of these events is detailed in his recently published book, *La caída: poder, relato y destrucción en la era del juicio político*, which he wrote largely while confined in Soto del Real, a prison near Madrid. In this work, Cerdán presents himself as a victim of both legal and political persecution, emphasizing the abruptness of his downfall and the emotional toll it took on him personally.
According to Cerdán, the contrast between his position of power and his subsequent isolation was stark and sudden. Just fifteen days before being incarcerated, he had been seated at a table where decisions affecting the entire country were made. Now, he found himself alone in a nine-square-meter cell, struggling to understand how such a dramatic shift could have occurred. He describes the moment when the door closed behind him as definitive, even though the sound itself was not particularly loud. This experience, he claims, represents not just a loss of political influence but also a profound personal and emotional rupture.
In the book, Cerdán outlines several key points regarding his role within the PSOE. He emphasizes his efforts in building coalitions that seemed impossible, including the formation of majorities necessary for the investment of Pedro Sánchez after the elections of March 23, 2018. He also highlights what he perceives as a targeted operation against him due to his role in negotiations with two crucial parties: the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) and Junts, a Catalan nationalist party led by Carles Puigdemont. These alliances were essential for maintaining the socialist government's stability in the Moncloa Palace.
However, Cerdán’s narrative is marked by notable absences. There is no mention of Leire Díez, a former party militant who allegedly collaborated with him in orchestrating operations to obstruct judicial investigations into the government and the PSOE. Similarly, there is no reference to Koldo García, a former advisor with whom Cerdán supposedly participated in a scheme involving kickbacks from public construction contracts. These omissions suggest that Cerdán's account is selective, focusing more on self-defense than on revealing potential wrongdoing.
He does, however, briefly acknowledge José Luis Ábalos, his long-time colleague in the party, now sentenced to 24 years in prison for the Mascarillas case. Cerdán mentions Ábalos once by name, recalling their meeting in Ferraz, the headquarters of the PSOE, during a critical session led by Sánchez to decide whether to submit a motion of censure. That decision ultimately reshaped Spanish politics from June 2018 onwards.
Cerdán recounts his version of the resignation that followed the publication of the UCO (National Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office) report on his activities. He states that he read the report in his seat in the Congress of Deputies during a plenary session and immediately realized that he would no longer be part of the legislative body. He describes the content of the report as nonsensical, filled with interpretations without foundation and audio recordings that did not belong to him. According to Cerdán, he then went to his office in Ferraz and, alongside his team, decided to resign from his position and his congressional seat. He insists that no one asked him to resign, stating that it was a personal decision driven by the belief that it was his duty to defend himself.
Following this, Cerdán received a call from Sánchez asking him to come to the Moncloa. During this conversation, Cerdán explained the gravity of the accusations, denied them outright, and confirmed his decision to resign. He felt abandoned when the PSOE decided that its lawyers would no longer represent him, forcing him to seek independent legal counsel. The final blow came when the Supreme Court ordered his imprisonment, leaving him feeling completely isolated and emotionally devastated.
Meanwhile, the PSOE continues to show signs of financial strength despite ongoing controversies. The party's annual accounts for 2025 reveal a significant increase in revenue, with a result of 12.7 million euros, representing a 70 percent rise compared to the previous year. The party's net assets have grown beyond 112 million euros, despite a decrease in public funding due to fewer elections held in 2024. However, private contributions, especially from public officials, have increased significantly, surpassing ten million euros. Total income for the year amounted to 73 million euros, slightly less than the 78 million recorded in the prior year.
One of the most contentious areas remains the "external services" budget, which includes payments to suppliers and has been under investigation by the National Court for alleged false invoices used to make covert payments to third parties linked to the Leire Díez network. The PSOE allocated 39.7 million euros in 2025 for these payments, up from 39.4 million in the previous year. This category encompasses expenses ranging from utilities to legal fees, including payments to law firms such as Jacobo Teijelo, which previously worked with Leire Díez.
Ana María Fuentes, the current manager of the PSOE, signed the 2025 annual report. She was promoted by Cerdán in 2021 and continues to hold her position despite being implicated in several charges related to the former secretary of Organization's affairs. Among these charges is falsifying documents by authorizing fraudulent invoices to law firms that were actually intended for Leire Díez and her associates. Notably, Fuentes has not released an external audit report this year, marking the first time in five years that such a report has not been disclosed. Her usual auditor, Ecovis Glosclaude & Partners, terminated its relationship with the party following the 2024 accounts.
Another significant change in 2025 involves the compensation of high-ranking officials. The salary for top leadership nearly tripled, rising from 119,705 euros to 299,590 euros. This increase is attributed to the new secretary of Organization, Rebeca Torró, who is not a member of parliament, unlike Cerdán. As a result, she receives a salary based on her dedication rather than her parliamentary status. Additionally, since Cerdán's departure, the Secretariat of Organization has become a collective position, leading to three additional high-level appointments. These include Elisa Garrido, who is a member of parliament, along with Borja Cabezón and Anabel Mateos, both of whom were appointed mid-year.
The PSOE also reports a substantial reduction in debt to banks, having fully repaid a loan taken in 2012 following an electoral setback. Currently, the party owes approximately 6.7 million euros to financial institutions, down from 11.5 million euros in 2024. Furthermore, the average number of employees decreased from 431 in 2024 to 421 in 2025. According to Fuentes, the data collected reflects the party's continued financial health and operational efficiency.
3 reports
infoLibreIndependentLeftFactual 0Objective 03 days ago The fall (and the forgetting) of Cerdán: Soto del Real, Puigdemont and some cryptic messagesThe article discusses the book 'La caída' by former PSOE secretary Santos Cerdán, which recounts his fall from power and legal troubles. Cerdán frames his situation as a victim of a 'political trial,' emphasizing his role in forming coalitions that supported Pedro Sánchez's government. He highlights alleged conspiracies against him involving parties like PNV and Junts. The book also notes omissions regarding figures like Leire Díez and Koldo García, who are linked to other scandals. Cerdán claims he resigned after reading an UCO report, asserting that the findings were unfounded and included misinterpreted audio evidence.
Bias read (Left): The article presents Cerdán's perspective as a victim of political persecution, using emotionally charged language and focusing on allegations of conspiracy against him. It emphasizes his narrative of being unfairly targeted, aligning more with left-wing interpretations of political struggle. WhileC
Why these scores (Factual 0 · Objective 0): This article discusses a different legal case involving former Prime Minister Zapatero, unrelated to the primary source document about Spanish political strategy and legal matters.
El MundoIndependent🔒Centeryesterday The PSOE wins 70% more and fires the game to pay back to the top management "by being collegiated to replace Cerdán"The Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE), currently in power, has reported a significant increase in its financial results for 2025, showing a 70% rise compared to the previous year. Despite a decrease in public funding—due to fewer elections in 2024—the party saw an increase in private contributions, including those from its public officials, which exceeded 10 million euros. The overall revenue for 2025 was declared at 73 million euros, slightly below the 78 million from the prior year. The PSOE has increased its spending on 'external services,' which includes payments to suppliers and legal firms such as Jacobo Teijelo’s, linked to past controversies involving Leire Díez. The annual report for 2025 was signed by Ana María Fuentes, the party's manager, who remains in her position despite being under investigation for alleged involvement in the Leire Díez case. Notably, this year marks the first time in five years that the PSOE has not published an external audit report, following the departure of their usual auditor, Ecovis Glosclaude & Partners. Additionally, the compensation for senior leadership nearly tripled, from 119,705 to 299,590 euros, due to changes in the role of the
Bias read (Center): The article presents factual financial data and contextualizes it within ongoing investigations into the PSOE, without overtly favoring any side. It reports on both increases in revenue and controversies surrounding expenditures and audits, maintaining neutrality in tone.
20minutosIndependentLeft5 days ago Santos Cerdán breaks his silence: publishes a book in which he denounces being a victim of a "political and media trial" for the Koldo caseSantos Cerdán, exministro del gobierno vasco, ha decidido romper su silencio sobre el caso Koldo al publicar un libro en el cual acusa a las autoridades de haberle sometido a un 'juicio político y mediático'. El caso Koldo se refiere a una investigación relacionada con la gestión de recursos públicos en el País Vasco. Cerdán afirma que ha sido blanco de una campaña de desprestigio que ha afectado su reputación y vida personal. Su libro detalla las presiones que ha enfrentado desde que fue investigado, incluyendo ataques mediáticos y políticos. La situación sigue siendo controversial, con críticas hacia el sistema judicial y los medios de comunicación.
Bias read (Left): El artículo presenta la denuncia de Santos Cerdán como víctima de un juicio político y mediático, lo que sugiere una crítica al establishment político y mediático. La elección de términos como 'juicio político' y la enfocada atención en las presiones recibidas reflejan un marco de pensamiento más iz