The bodies of nine identified victims of the mass attempt to cross into Spain from Morocco were buried Thursday in Ceuta’s Muslim cemetery, Sidi Embarek, with their heads turned eastward toward Mecca, as dictated by Islamic funeral rites. The deceased had perished during the chaotic migration wave that swept through the border area of El Tarajal on July 30 and 31, when thousands of migrants attempted to swim across the Strait of Gibraltar. Of the 90 bodies recovered from the Mediterranean Sea, these nine are the only ones whose identities have been confirmed so far. Their burial marked the end of a series of ceremonies held since last week, as authorities processed the necessary permits for each funeral. Family members from Morocco arrived to pay respects, while dozens of young migrants who successfully crossed the border stood silently nearby. The burials took place in newly constructed plots within the expanded section of the cemetery, which was hastily developed due to the surge in demand. Nabila Benzina, the health and social services councilor for Ceuta, explained that emergency contracts were needed to accommodate the sudden influx of bodies. The military hospital in Ceuta, temporarily converted into a morgue, had space for up to 200 corpses, though ultimately only 90 were retrieved, mostly men, except for one woman. Previous funerals had been attended only by undertakers and officials, who conducted the prayers. This time, however, families and community members gathered, including Layla, a cousin of Younes, a 26-year-old construction worker from Fnideq, near the Moroccan border. She expressed frustration over the inability of his mother to bring his body back to Morocco for burial, citing bureaucratic obstacles. Younes and others were laid to rest in white shrouds, placed on orange stretchers before being carried to individual graves. An imam led a brief prayer, followed by the recitation of Quranic verses by groups of men, while women observed from above, mourning quietly. Most of the deceased came from Moroccan towns close to Ceuta, such as Castillejos, El Ricón, Alcazarquivir, and Tetouan. Said Mohamed, the cemetery director, noted that this situation was not new, but the scale of recent events had pushed the city's infrastructure to its limits. Meanwhile, in the working-class neighborhood of Loma Colmenar, just a mile from the border, residents expressed mixed feelings about the migrant influx. Dina, a 23-year-old ferry attendant, hosted migrants in her home with food, yet she insisted they should be removed from the area. “I’m not racist, I just want my neighborhood back,” she said, echoing sentiments shared by many locals. Others, like Hudefia, a 19-year-old with a pet chameleon, acknowledged the humanity of the migrants but stressed the need for them to leave. Tensions flared occasionally, with reports of conflicts and incidents involving drugs and alcohol, further straining relations between residents and newcomers. Public sentiment in Spain has largely pointed fingers at Morocco for orchestrating the mass migration. According to a Sigma Dos survey, 90.4 percent of Spaniards believe Morocco is directly responsible for the invasion of Ceuta, contradicting the Spanish government’s stance that Morocco is cooperating in resolving the crisis. The survey revealed that 52.6 percent of respondents believed Morocco knew about the movement and allowed it to happen without defending the border, while 37.8 percent claimed Morocco actively encouraged the illegal entry of migrants. Over 80 percent of Spaniards felt the government under Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez had not done enough to address the situation, with some even calling for King Felipe VI to visit Ceuta to show solidarity. Efforts to deport the migrants have faced significant hurdles. Government sources indicated that the process was slow due to legal complexities and fears among officials that they might face charges of administrative misconduct. In 2025, two high-ranking officials were sentenced to years of disqualification after facilitating the rapid repatriation of minors to Morocco. As a result, many functionaries hesitated to accelerate the process, fearing similar consequences. Additionally, concerns arose that Morocco might not handle the repatriations efficiently, as it reportedly retained 600 cases of unaccompanied minors from before the July incident. A hacker group known as Jabaroot, meaning “powerful” in Arabic, emerged as another factor complicating the situation. Allegedly linked to Morocco, the group threatened to expose intelligence operations and spy networks involving Spanish officials, using advanced surveillance tools like Pegasus. These revelations added layers of tension to an already volatile scenario, raising questions about national security and diplomatic relations. As the days passed, the streets of Ceuta remained tense, with sporadic protests and calls for action from both residents and migrants. The city found itself at a crossroads, balancing humanitarian obligations with the demands of its population for order and stability. With the number of migrants still lingering in the region, the challenge ahead appeared daunting, requiring coordinated efforts from local authorities, national governments, and international partners.
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