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Gatto sjedi na vrhu korporativnog "morasa", "odbijanja" poreza već desetljećima.
Australia🏛️ PolitikaProgresivnoZanemareno kod konzervativnihprije 25 dana

Gatto sjedi na vrhu korporativnog "morasa", "odbijanja" poreza već desetljećima.

Izvještaj pravnog stručnjaka Geoffreyja Watsona tvrdi da je Mick Gatto koristio lažnih direktora kako bi kontrolirao više tvrtki povezanih s sindikatom CFMEU, što mu je omogućilo izbjegavanje poreza i manipulaciju Victoria's $ 109 milijardi Big Build infrastrukturni program. Watson je svjedočio na istrazi u Queensland da je Gattoovo sudjelovanje u M1 Trades and Labour Group sakrio putem lažne prakse, uključujući prijenos vlasništva na tvrtku njegove kćeri.

Mick Gatto, a Melbourne-based underworld figure, faces mounting allegations of orchestrating a complex network of corporate entities to evade taxes and manipulate Victoria's $109 billion Big Build infrastructure program. The accusations emerged during testimony before the Queensland inquiry into the RTBU ( RTBU stands for Australian Workers Union, though the text refers to CFMEU, which is the Construction, Forestry, Mining and Energy Union). Geoffrey Watson, SC, the author of a controversial report titled Rotting from the Top, testified that Gatto used dummy directors to control a web of labor hire and traffic management companies, leveraging his connections within the CFMEU to secure lucrative contracts. According to Watson, the M1 Trades and Labour Group, owned by Michael Portia and Tony Paragalli, was established through a corrupt process that allocated 25 shares to Gatto. This move was necessary because the group could not obtain an enterprise bargaining agreement from the CFMEU. The arrangement was confirmed via an affidavit by Portia. Watson described the situation as a "pretty damning point," highlighting how the CFMEU allegedly required Gatto's influence, a so-called "standover man" and "fixer", to establish a viable building business. Gatto, currently under investigation by both federal and state police, has consistently denied owning the M1 Group companies or engaging in any wrongdoing. However, Watson claimed that Gatto siphoned over $1 million from these enterprises, which held substantial contracts for traffic management services on state government infrastructure projects. Simon Wilson, KC, representing M1 Group, argued that the companies were always under the control of Portia and Paragalli, asserting that Gatto's involvement was never documented in filings with the corporate regulator. Watson countered that Gatto's failure to comply with regulatory requirements, such as submitting accurate documentation to ASIC, was deliberate. He emphasized that his conclusions were based on factual evidence rather than speculative assumptions. Furthermore, Watson alleged that Gatto attempted to obscure his involvement in one company by transferring ownership to another controlled by his daughter, Sarah Awad. During heated exchanges, Wilson sought to undermine Watson's credibility, labeling his report as an "engineroom of inference and speculation." Watson, however, defended his findings, citing specific instances of tax evasion and illegal phoenix activity. One company was described as a "classic tax dodge model" that sought to avoid paying a $13 million tax debt. Other M1 Group subsidiaries reportedly operated while insolvent or engaged in phoenix activity, where one company collapses and another takes over its assets. In March, reports indicated that Victoria’s Labour Hire Authority had initiated proceedings to revoke the license of an M Group subsidiary. Despite these actions, no formal measures have been taken against the firm, and it continues to operate under its current licensing status. Watson admitted during cross-examination that his initial report overstated Gatto's role as the sole owner of M1 Group. He clarified that while Gatto likely holds significant control, it is probable that Portia and Paragalli also hold partial ownership. Watson reiterated his stance, stating that all available evidence supports the claim that Gatto exerts considerable control over the M Group companies. He also criticized the Victorian government for suggesting that he had recanted his findings, despite the ongoing legal challenges and threats of litigation from M1 Group representatives. As the inquiry progresses, further scrutiny of Gatto's financial dealings and corporate affiliations will remain central to determining the extent of his alleged involvement in systemic corruption.

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The Conversation (AU) logoThe Conversation (AU)NeovisanProgresivnoČinjenice 80Objektivnost 85prije 25 dana
Još jedan CFMEU kraljevski povjerenstvo neće riješiti puno dok ne naučimo iz prošlosti

Novi premijer Victorije Ben Carroll najavio je još jedan kraljevski povjerenstvo za istragu korupcije unutar CFMEU-ove građevinske divizije, nakon prethodnih istraga i ostavke bivše premijerke Jacinta Allan. Komisija će ispitati navodne veze između sindikata i organiziranog kriminala, uključujući iznude, mito i nesigurne radne prakse.

Procjena pristranosti (Progresivno): U članku se pitanje korupcije sindikata posmatra kroz kritički prizor, naglašavajući strukturne uzroke i povijesne uzorke sudjelovanja u organiziranom kriminalu.

Zašto činjenice (80): The article accurately summarizes the CFMEU scandal, mentioning the $15 billion loss, the federal government's intervention, and the ongoing royal commission. It references the historical context of the scandal and the impact on infrastructure spending, aligning with the primary source document.

Zašto objektivnost (85): The tone is objective and analytical, presenting the facts without emotional language or partisan framing. It provides context without taking sides, maintaining a neutral stance throughout.

The Sydney Morning Herald logoThe Sydney Morning HeraldNeovisanProgresivnoČinjenice 80Objektivnost 60prije 29 dana
Gatto sjedi na vrhu korporativnog "morasa", "odbijanja" poreza već desetljećima.

Izvještaj pravnog stručnjaka Geoffreyja Watsona tvrdi da je Mick Gatto koristio lažnih direktora kako bi kontrolirao više tvrtki povezanih s sindikatom CFMEU, što mu je omogućilo izbjegavanje poreza i manipulaciju Victoria's $ 109 milijardi Big Build infrastrukturni program. Watson je svjedočio na istrazi u Queensland da je Gattoovo sudjelovanje u M1 Trades and Labour Group sakrio putem lažne prakse, uključujući prijenos vlasništva na tvrtku njegove kćeri.

Procjena pristranosti (Progresivno): U članku se Mick Gatto prikazuje kao "figura podzemlja" i "fikser", što implicira korumpirani utjecaj u sektoru rada i vladinim ugovorima.

Zašto činjenice (80): The article provides detailed information about Mick Gatto's alleged involvement in CFMEU corruption and the $109 billion Big Build program, which aligns with the primary source document's focus on corruption and the need for stronger oversight. It cites specific allegations and testimonies, support

Zašto objektivnost (60): The article maintains a neutral tone when discussing the allegations against Gatto and the CFMEU, though it uses terms like 'underworld figure' and 'standover man' which carry some negative connotation. It does not overtly take sides but presents the allegations as credible.

The Age logoThe AgeNeovisanProgresivnoČinjenice 75Objektivnost 55prije 29 dana
Gatto sjedi na vrhu korporativnog "morasa", "odbijanja" poreza već desetljećima.

Izvještaj istražitelja korupcije Geoffreyja Watsona tvrdi da je Mick Gatto koristio lažnih direktora kako bi kontrolirao više tvrtki povezanih s programom Victoria's $ 109 milijardi Big Build, omogućavajući sustavno utaju poreza. Watson je svjedočio na istrazi u Queenslandu da je Gattoovo sudjelovanje u M1 Trades and Labour Group sakriveno putem lažne dokumentacije, uključujući prijenos vlasništva na tvrtku koju kontrolira njegova kćerka.

Procjena pristranosti (Progresivno): U članku se Mick Gatto prikazuje kao 'figuru podzemlja' i 'fikser', što implicira korumpirani utjecaj unutar vladinih ugovora i radnih industrija.

Zašto činjenice (75): The article covers the Big Build corruption allegations, the CFMEU's role, and the new Premier's commitment to integrity, which aligns with the primary source document. It references the CFMEU's involvement and the need for a royal commission, consistent with the primary source's context.

Zašto objektivnost (55): The article has a somewhat biased tone towards the new Premier, suggesting he is taking a different approach compared to the previous Premier. While it presents facts, it frames the new Premier's actions as a positive contrast, showing a slight preference.

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