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Vrhovni tužitelj još uvijek obavlja komunikacijske poslove s tvrtkama bliskim Fidesu.
HU🏛️ Politikajučer

Vrhovni tužitelj još uvijek obavlja komunikacijske poslove s tvrtkama bliskim Fidesu.

The Hungarian Supreme Court Prosecutor’s Office continues to use two companies closely associated with Fidesz for communication tasks, despite having internal departments capable of handling these functions. Current head Nagy Gábor Bálint was previously a chief of cabinet under Fidesz-aligned politician Polt Péter, who was re-elected for nine years by the ruling party. The office maintains active contracts with EuroAtlantic Zrt. and Promotheus Agency Bt., which provide digital content creation and website management services for around 20–40 million forints annually. EuroAtlantic is owned by former development minister Fellegi Tamás and his family, while Promotheus is run by Petneházy Dávid, son of former Fidesz MP Petneházy Attila and former president of Fidelitas in Szabolcs. In 2021, both families’ hotel businesses were supported by state funding.

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Vrhovni tužitelj još uvijek obavlja komunikacijske poslove s tvrtkama bliskim Fidesu.

The Hungarian Supreme Court Prosecutor’s Office continues to use two companies closely associated with Fidesz for communication tasks, despite having internal departments capable of handling these functions. Current head Nagy Gábor Bálint was previously a chief of cabinet under Fidesz-aligned politician Polt Péter, who was re-elected for nine years by the ruling party. The office maintains active contracts with EuroAtlantic Zrt. and Promotheus Agency Bt., which provide digital content creation and website management services for around 20–40 million forints annually. EuroAtlantic is owned by former development minister Fellegi Tamás and his family, while Promotheus is run by Petneházy Dávid, son of former Fidesz MP Petneházy Attila and former president of Fidelitas in Szabolcs. In 2021, both families’ hotel businesses were supported by state funding.

Procjena pristranosti (Desno): The article highlights the continued reliance on Fidesz-connected firms for communication work within the judiciary, implying potential conflicts of interest. It emphasizes the ownership ties of these companies to former Fidesz figures and notes their financial support from the state, suggesting a '

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