A US-Israeli ultra network uses Ceuta to attack Spain

The political tensions surrounding Spain’s northern African enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla have escalated dramatically in recent weeks, with Morocco seeking to leverage these territories as part of a broader geopolitical strategy. The current crisis in Ceuta, marked by mass demonstrations and heightened border activity, has roots stretching back to 2022, when Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez endorsed Morocco's proposal for autonomy in Western Sahara, a move that significantly shifted long-standing Spanish policy. This decision, according to analysts, emboldened Morocco, which interpreted Spain’s concessions as evidence that strategic flexibility under pressure could yield further diplomatic gains. Since then, Morocco has increasingly viewed Ceuta and Melilla not just as Spanish territories but as potential bargaining chips in its regional ambitions. The situation took a new turn earlier this year when a think tank based in the United States, the Middle East Forum, published an article calling for a renewed "Green March", a reference to Morocco’s 1975 military campaign to reclaim Western Sahara, to be directed toward Ceuta and Melilla. The piece, authored by Michael Rubin, described residents of Ceuta and Melilla as "settlers" and labeled the cities as "occupied territory." The article was later republished by another prominent conservative think tank, the American Enterprise Institute (AEI). Rubin, who had previously worked at AEI, has since become a key figure in the Middle East Forum, which is known for its pro-Israel stance and advocacy for policies aimed at securing Israeli victory over Palestinians. This narrative, that Ceuta and Melilla are occupied territories, has gained traction among certain international circles, particularly within conservative factions in the United States and Israel. These groups have used the ongoing migration crisis in Ceuta to amplify criticism against the Spanish government, especially given Spain’s vocal opposition to Israeli actions in Gaza and its support for Palestinian rights. Some of these analyses were published before the influx of migrants reached Ceuta, yet they have been cited as evidence of a conspiracy involving Israel and the U.S. behind the crisis. Such claims lack empirical support but have contributed to a growing discourse that frames Spain’s presence in North Africa through a colonial lens. Historical context reveals that Ceuta and Melilla have always been points of contention in Spain-Morocco relations. During the drafting of Spain’s 1978 Constitution, both cities were considered for inclusion in the autonomous region of Andalusia. This idea sparked controversy, leading to immediate corrections in official statements. Despite this, the notion of integrating Ceuta and Melilla into a larger administrative framework persisted, influencing early political dynamics in post-Franco Spain. The inclusion of these cities in Andalusian politics altered power balances during the transition to democracy, affecting the composition of governing coalitions. Today, the debate over Ceuta and Melilla extends beyond historical considerations. With Morocco increasingly asserting its influence in the region, questions arise about how Spain will navigate its position amid shifting alliances and geopolitical pressures. The involvement of external actors, including think tanks and political movements in the U.S. and Israel, adds complexity to the situation. As the crisis continues to unfold, the role of Ceuta and Melilla in shaping Spain’s foreign policy and domestic stability remains a critical issue.