2 July 2026 Disclosed: these are Janševa's plans with state assets and corporate management
The article discusses the proposed National Demographic Fund by the government led by Janez Janša, which aims to transfer billions of euros of state assets into a new fund managed by individuals selected by the government. This includes transferring management of companies like the State Holding Company (SDH), Capital Company (Kapitalska družba), and others under the control of the state. The proposal would end the mandates of current oversight boards and management of these entities prematurely, allowing the government to take over their management. The new fund's supervisory board would consist of nine members, with five appointed by the government on the recommendation of the Ministry of Finance and four elected by the National Assembly, including one nominated by the Association of Pensioners. The article highlights Branko Bračko, a long-time influential member of the SDS party, as a potential leader of the new fund, despite his past role at the financially troubled Unior company.
Družba Petrol d.d. je 16. junija 2026 javno zavrnila vsakršne namige in insinuacije, da bi bili nakupi delnic družbe s strani članov organov vodenja ali nadzora povezani z razpolaganjem z notranjimi informacijami ali s kakršnimkoli privilegiranim dostopom do nejavnih podatkov. V svojem uradnem sporočilu je poudarila, da ima družba vzpostavljene stroge notranje postopke in standarde skladnosti s pravili preprečevanja tržnih zlorab, ki temeljijo na veljavni zakonodaji in najboljših praksah korporativnega upravljanja.
Nakupi delnic, ki so predmet javnih objav, so bili izvedeni v obdobju, ki je bilo v skladu z internimi pravili družbe, ki temelji na veljavni evropski in slovenski zakonodaji, določeno kot dovoljeno obdobje za trgovanje. To obdobje je časovno sovpadalo z zaključkom postopkov objave letnega poročila in javno objavo informacij o poslovanju družbe, ko so bile ključne informacije o poslovanju v skladu s finančnim koledarjem že javno dostopne trgu.
Družba je posebej poudarila, da ni bila vključena v postopke priprave uredbe, ki ureja spremembe na področju regulacije cen oziroma marž, niti ni bila seznanjena z vsebino ali časovnico sprejemanja takšnih ukrepov. Odločitve o regulatornem okviru so v pristojnosti države in pristojnih institucij. Hkrati je Petrol poudaril, da že vrsto let javno opozarja na potrebo po celovitih in sistemskih spremembah regulatornega okolja na področju energentov. Prizadevanja družbe niso bila usmerjena v posamezne kratkoročne ukrepe, temveč v vzpostavitev stabilnega, predvidljivega in konkurenčnega okolja, ki bi Slovenijo bolj približalo ureditvam v primerljivih evropskih državah.
Regulativni okvir na področju energentov pomembno vpliva na poslovanje vseh tržnih udeležencev. Zato je Petrol dosledno zagovarjal potrebo po dolgoročni in uravnoteženi ureditvi, ki celovito upošteva tako interese potrošnikov, konkurenčnost trga ter dolgoročno vzdržnost izvajanja energetske oskrbe. Ob tem je družba izrazila obžalovanje, da se v delu medijskih objav ustvarja vtis nepravilnosti zgolj na podlagi časovnega sovpadanja dogodkov, brez predstavitve celotnega regulatornega in poslobnega konteksta. Takšen način poročanja lahko neupravičeno ustvarja dvome o ravnanju posameznikov in družbe, čeprav za takšne zaključke niso predstavljena nobena dejstva.
Medtem pa je portal Necenzurirano.si poročal, da so v dneh pred sprejetjem nove vladne uredbe o oblikovanju cen naftnih derivatov na Ljubljanski borzi odvijalo nenavadno živahno trgovanje z delnicami Petrola. Nova vlada Janeza Janše je na dopisni seji, na predlog ministrstva za infrastrukturo pod vodstvom Jerneja Vrtovca, naftnim trgovcem podarila finančno darilo, zvišala najvišje dovoljene marže, kar Petrolu po ocenah prinaša približno 10 milijonov evrov dodatnega dobička za vsak cent dviga. Javnost pred tem o nameri vlade ni bila obveščena, so pa o možnosti dviga marž že prej špekulirali v poslovno-političnih krogih, saj je prav Janševa vlada v preteklosti že popolnoma liberalizirala trg goriv.
Posamezniki so pred sejo začeli kupovati večje pakete delnic. Portal Necenzurirano ob tem razkriva, da so ravno v dveh tednih pred to 'skrivnostno' dopisno sejo vlade nekateri posamezniki začeli kupovati večje pakete delnic. Med njimi izstopajo prav vodilni menedžerji Petrola na čelu s predsednikom uprave Sašem Bergerjem. Ti so v dneh pred nastopom mandata nove vlade skupaj kupili za skoraj 74 tisoč evrov delnic. Berger je 27. maja kupil 400 delnic, v istem obdobju je delavski direktor Zoran Gračner kupil 130 delnic, član uprave Jože Smolič prav tako 400 delnic, izvršni direktor Tomaž Blagotinšek pa z družino še 460 delnic.
Iz javnih objav razlogi za te nakupe niso bili vidni, še posebej zato, ker se vodstvo za tovrstne korake ni odločilo že zadnje leto in pol. Poleg njih je ogromen znesek, več kot dva milijona evrov, v delnice vložil še poslovnež Izet Rastode, znan kot "kralj banan", ki je bil v preteklosti povezan s SDS prek investicij v njihovo strankarsko televizijo. Takoj naslednji trgovalni dan po vladni odločitvi je tečaj Petrola poskočil za skoraj pet odstotkov, s čimer so člani uprave v enem samem dnevu zaslužili dobrih 21 tisoč evrov.
Zaradi teh dogodkov so se v javnosti hitro pojavili očitki in spomini na pretekle odmevne primere sumov zlorab notranjih informacij v Petrolu, kot je bil večletni sodni postopek proti nekdanjemu predsedniku uprave Marku Kryžanowskemu. Petrol se je že odzval, saj je zaradi resnosti situacije in medijskih objav odzval s uradnim in izjemno ostrim sporočilom za javnost. Uprava Petrola odločno zavrača vsakršne namige in insinuacije, da bi bili ti nakupi povezani z izkoriščanjem nejavnih ali privilegiranih informacij.
Uprava Petrola poudarja, da imajo vzpostavljene najvišje standarde korporativnega upravljanja ter stroge notranje postopke, ki članom uprave in nadzornikom natančno določajo obdobja, ko je trgovanje z delnicami sploh dovoljeno. V Petrolu ob tem izrecno izpostavljajo, da družba ni sodelovala pri pripravi vladne uredbe o maržah in da sploh ni bila seznanjena z njeno vsebino ali časovnico sprejetja, saj so odločitve o regulatornem okviru v izključni pristojnosti države.
Go to the primary sources (1)
The official sources this coverage is built on. Read them directly to bypass framing.
The article discusses potential changes in political power dynamics if parliamentary elections were held today, noting that SDS and Freedom would have equal support, while Respublica would likely remain outside parliament. It mentions Nataša Pirc Musar as the most popular politician and highlights a rise in support for SD and undefined groups. The article references a political popularity barometer indicating tighter competition between leading parties compared to previous measurements.
Bias read (Center): The article presents a neutral overview of hypothetical election results based on a popularity barometer without overtly favoring any political side. It focuses on statistical data and does not include biased language or one-sided sourcing.
Why these scores (Factual 85 · Objective 75): This article duplicates content from item 0, discussing opinion polling data and potential parliamentary outcomes. It shares similar factual accuracy but also contains subjective language and lacks additional context or sources.
DeloIndependent🔒CenterFactual 85Objective 7518 days ago
The article discusses potential changes in political power dynamics if parliamentary elections were held today, noting that SDS and Freedom would have equal support, while Respublica would likely remain outside parliament. It mentions Nataša Pirc Musar as the most popular politician and highlights a rise in support for SD and undefined groups. The article references a political popularity barometer indicating tighter competition between leading parties compared to previous measurements.
Bias read (Center): The article presents a neutral overview of hypothetical election results based on a popularity barometer without overtly favoring any political side. It focuses on statistical data and does not include biased language or one-sided sourcing.
Why these scores (Factual 85 · Objective 75): The article presents opinion polling data suggesting a close race between SDS and Svoboda, with Resnica likely out of parliament. The information aligns with the cross-source consensus but uses somewhat subjective language like 'napeto' (tense) and mentions specific individuals without clear sourcin
Nova24TVParty-alignedCenterFactual 80Objective 8512 days ago
Janez Janša has formed his fourth government after being elected prime minister on May 22, marking nearly 22 years since he first became premier. This makes him equal in number of governments led to Janez Drnovšek, though Janša has yet to lead two consecutive governments. His new government is unique due to the absence of DeSUS, which previously was an essential part of all previous Janša coalitions. The article reviews Janša’s past governments, starting with his first in 2004, which ended the 12-year LDS dominance. The LDS faced internal challenges and lost seats to SDS, which won 29 mandates—similar to today’s Svoboda party. The formation of Janša’s first government involved a coalition with SDS, NSi, SLS, and DeSUS, reflecting the political landscape at the time.
Bias read (Center): The article provides a balanced historical overview of Janša’s political career and government formations without overtly favoring any side. It includes critical perspectives on past events but avoids explicit ideological framing or biased language.
Why these scores (Factual 80 · Objective 85): The article covers a heated debate between Stevanović and Mesec, presenting both sides fairly. It references the controversy around Mijič’s company but doesn’t directly link to the primary source’s focus on Resnica’s ideological shift.
DemokracijaParty-alignedCenterFactual 80Objective 8512 days ago
Dr. Vinko Gorenak, former member of the SDS and ex-minister of Internal Affairs, has returned to an active political role as head of cabinet coordination between the government and parliament under Prime Minister Janez Janša. In an interview with Demokracija, he discusses his new responsibilities, emphasizing the need for stability in the current government and noting that coalition agreements have been less contentious than in previous mandates. He also addresses speculation about the minority nature of the current government and suggests that the coalition is more stable than critics believe. Gorenak hints at future efforts to involve opposition parties in legislative processes through initiatives like 'Partnership for Successful Slovenia.'
Bias read (Center): The article presents a balanced account of Dr. Gorenak's views and background without overtly favoring any political side. It includes direct quotes from him and provides context about his political experience and current role, avoiding biased language or selective emphasis.
Why these scores (Factual 80 · Objective 85): The article provides an interview with Dr. Vinko Gorenak discussing political stability and coalition work. It remains neutral and factual, focusing on his role and statements without taking sides or introducing biased perspectives.
Nova24TVParty-alignedCenterFactual 80Objective 5515 days ago
The article discusses a debate between members of the Left Party and the Slovenian Democratic Party (SDS) regarding proposed changes to parliamentary investigation laws. Asta Vrečko, a member of the Left Party, criticizes the proposed law as an attempt to introduce 'political police,' arguing it undermines legal protections and judicial independence. She claims the law would allow parliamentarians like Aleš Hojs, Janez Mahnič, and Boštjan Vrtovec to publicly target individuals they dislike. In response, Aleš Hojs, an SDS MP and former Minister of Internal Affairs, defends the proposal, citing
Bias read (Center): The article covers a political discussion but presents both sides without overtly favoring one over the other. It includes direct quotes from representatives of different parties, allowing readers to form their own opinions.
Why these scores (Factual 80 · Objective 55): Factuality: The article accurately reports the debate around the parliamentary investigation law and includes direct quotes from Asta Vrečko and Aleš Hojs. Objectivity: The language is biased, favoring the opposition's perspective and using emotionally charged terms like 'politično policijo' (politi
24ur (POP TV)IndependentCenterFactual 75Objective 6517 days ago
The article discusses internal discussions within the Slovenian Democratic Party (SDS) regarding potential participation in a coalition with the Janez Janša government. The party has stated that decisions will be made by all three of its governing bodies, with final decisions expected no later than Sunday. Zoran Stevanović expressed that while the partnership formally strengthens their opposition status, he is concerned about the lack of substantive content in the agreement. Similar concerns were raised by MP Nedeljko Todorović.
Bias read (Center): The article provides a neutral summary of internal party discussions without overtly favoring any side. It reports on statements from multiple party members and does not use biased language or selectively present information.
Why these scores (Factual 75 · Objective 65): Focuses on local elections and foreign citizens’ voting rights, but doesn’t directly reference the primary source. The tone is somewhat alarmist, suggesting possible bias against certain groups.
24ur (POP TV)IndependentCenterFactual 75Objective 6021 days ago
The article discusses the issue of inappropriate behavior and language used by politicians in the National Assembly, including terms like 'pocestniško vedenje' ('petty behavior'), 'huliganka' ('hooligan'), and 'budala' ('idiot'). It raises questions about where the line between political debate and insult lies, and who should draw that line—whether it's the presiding officer with a warning, the parliament with fines, or the court with legal action.
Bias read (Center): The article presents a general discussion on political discourse without taking a stance or showing clear bias toward any side. It raises open-ended questions rather than promoting specific viewpoints.
Why these scores (Factual 75 · Objective 60): This article provides details about internal party dynamics within Resnica, aligning somewhat with the primary source. However, it focuses more on the departure of a member rather than the broader financial ties to far-right groups mentioned in the primary source. Tone remains relatively neutral.
DemokracijaParty-alignedCenterFactual 60Objective 5512 days ago
The article discusses the formation of the fourth government led by Janez Janša, highlighting his return to power after nearly 22 years since his first term as prime minister. It notes that Janša has now matched the number of governments led by Janez Drnovšek but has yet to lead two consecutive governments. The new coalition excludes DeSUS, which previously played an essential role in previous coalitions. The article reviews Janša's earlier governments, starting with his first term in 2004, which ended the 12-year dominance of the Left Democratic Party (LDS). This was followed by a period of internal conflict within LDS, including the departure of several members, such as Dimitrij Rupl and Tin Hribar. The article also mentions the formation of the 2004–2008 government, composed of SDS, NSi, SLS, and DeSUS, and references the political tensions during this time.
Bias read (Center): The article provides a balanced historical overview of Janša's political career and the evolution of Slovenian politics over time. While it critiques past governments and highlights shifts in political alliances, it does not exhibit overtly biased language or selective sourcing. The tone remains dis
Why these scores (Factual 60 · Objective 55): This article discusses political history and does not align with the primary source document focusing on Resnica and Stevanović. It lacks direct reference to the main topic and presents information in a general historical context rather than specific events related to the primary source.
DružinaParty-alignedCenterFactual 45Objective 3017 days ago
The article discusses the nature of politics as a mechanism of reproduction within capitalism, emphasizing the need for continuous progress in the concentration of capital. It critiques the political competition as a race between parties or groups seeking to advance this goal. The text also comments on the perception of political leaders, suggesting that those who are more cunning or dishonest often succeed. It notes that evaluating the results of governance is subjective and often based on feelings rather than objective measures.
Bias read (Center): The article does not present a clear ideological slant. It provides general commentary on political processes without explicitly favoring any particular side or ideology. The language used is analytical and critical but remains neutral in terms of political orientation.
Why these scores (Factual 45 · Objective 30): The article presents a highly ideological analysis of politics and government, using abstract concepts like 'reproduction of the ruling mode of production' without concrete facts or data. It lacks specific details about events, policies, or outcomes, making it difficult to assess factual accuracy. T
The article discusses the appointment of Franc Matoz as the Minister of Internal Affairs in Slovenia's new government led by Janez Janša. Matoz, a long-time lawyer for Janša and the SDS party, was appointed despite concerns over potential conflicts of interest due to his legal work involving police investigations. The Commission for Prevention of Corruption (KPK) ruled that there was no conflict because the prime minister did not have a direct role in Matoz's appointment, which was decided by MPs. The article highlights that Matoz's appointment raises questions about impartiality, especially since he represents clients involved in police-related cases. Additionally, the article notes that the new leadership of the police force consists of individuals who previously held positions in the Maribor Police Department, raising further concerns about connections and influence.
Bias read (Left): The article frames the situation critically, emphasizing potential conflicts of interest and questioning the impartiality of Matoz's appointment. It highlights the KPK's ruling but presents it in a skeptical light, suggesting that the system allows for such appointments while implying a lack of true
The article discusses the proposed National Demographic Fund by the government led by Janez Janša, which aims to transfer billions of euros of state assets into a new fund managed by individuals selected by the government. This includes transferring management of companies like the State Holding Company (SDH), Capital Company (Kapitalska družba), and others under the control of the state. The proposal would end the mandates of current oversight boards and management of these entities prematurely, allowing the government to take over their management. The new fund's supervisory board would consist of nine members, with five appointed by the government on the recommendation of the Ministry of Finance and four elected by the National Assembly, including one nominated by the Association of Pensioners. The article highlights Branko Bračko, a long-time influential member of the SDS party, as a potential leader of the new fund, despite his past role at the financially troubled Unior company.
Bias read (Right): The article presents the proposed National Demographic Fund as a significant move by the Janša government to consolidate control over state assets, emphasizing the government's initiative and highlighting the selection of a politically connected individual (Branko Bračko) for leadership. It frames a
The article discusses a proposal by Janez Janša, a prominent Slovenian politician, to manage billions of euros of state assets through a new fund. This initiative would involve restructuring or overseeing significant portions of Slovenia's national wealth, potentially impacting economic policies and public finances. The idea has sparked debate regarding transparency, accountability, and the role of private versus public management of state resources. Such a move could influence future fiscal strategies and raise questions about governance and oversight mechanisms.
Bias read (Center): The article presents a policy proposal without overtly favoring any particular ideological stance. It outlines the potential implications of the plan but does not employ biased language or selectively present information to support one side over another. The framing remains neutral, focusing on the
The article discusses an interview with Gregor Golobič on N1 radio, where he analyzes the political landscape in Slovenia, focusing on the concept of 'janšizem'—a style of governance associated with former Prime Minister Janez Janša and his party, SDS. Golobič argues that this approach has become dominant across nearly the entire political spectrum, not just within Janša’s camp. He describes 'janšizem' as a mindset where politics is viewed primarily as a means of securing power and resources, rather than serving institutional responsibilities. This system, while maintaining democratic forms, prioritizes political loyalty over professional competence and institutional independence. The article highlights concerns that even those who oppose Janša may unconsciously adopt similar patterns of governance, undermining democratic norms and institutional continuity.
Bias read (Center): The article presents a critical analysis of the political culture in Slovenia, but does not exhibit overt ideological bias. It frames 'janšizem' as a systemic issue affecting both supporters and opponents of Janša, without favoring any particular side. The language remains analytical and descriptive
The article discusses an interview with Gregor Golobič on N1 radio, where he analyzes the political landscape in Slovenia, focusing on the concept of 'janšizem'—a style of governance associated with former Prime Minister Janez Janša and his party, SDS. Golobič argues that this approach has become dominant across nearly the entire political spectrum, not just within Janša’s camp. He describes 'janšizem' as a mindset where politics is viewed primarily as a means of securing power and resources, rather than serving institutional responsibilities. This system, while maintaining democratic forms, prioritizes political loyalty over professional competence and institutional independence. The article highlights concerns that even those who oppose Janša may unconsciously adopt similar patterns of governance, undermining democratic norms and institutional continuity.
Bias read (Center): The article presents a critical analysis of the political culture in Slovenia, but does not exhibit overt ideological bias. It frames 'janšizem' as a systemic issue affecting both supporters and opponents of Janša, without favoring any particular side. The language remains analytical and descriptive
The article discusses an interview with Gregor Golobič on N1 radio, where he analyzes the political landscape in Slovenia, focusing on the concept of 'janšizem'—a style of governance associated with former Prime Minister Janez Janša and his party, SDS. Golobič argues that this approach has become dominant across nearly the entire political spectrum, not just within Janša’s camp. He describes 'janšizem' as a mindset where politics is viewed primarily as a means of securing power and resources, rather than serving institutional responsibilities. This system, while maintaining democratic forms, prioritizes political loyalty over professional competence and institutional independence. The article highlights concerns that even those who oppose Janša may unconsciously adopt similar patterns of governance, undermining democratic norms and institutional continuity.
Bias read (Center): The article presents a critical analysis of the political culture in Slovenia, but does not exhibit overt ideological bias. It frames 'janšizem' as a systemic issue affecting both supporters and opponents of Janša, without favoring any particular side. The language remains analytical and descriptive
The article discusses an interview with Gregor Golobič on N1, where he critiques the political landscape in Slovenia. Golobič argues that 'janšizem'—a term referring to the governing style associated with former Prime Minister Janez Janša and his party SDS—is not just a label for a specific individual but represents a broader ideological framework. This framework, described as 'patrimonial-clientelistic,' involves viewing politics as the acquisition of power and state institutions as tools for maintaining control. Golobič emphasizes that this mindset has permeated beyond Janša’s supporters, even among those who claim to oppose him. He highlights examples such as the lack of funding for a public institution due to the director’s online support for the ruling party, suggesting that this reflects a systemic issue rather than isolated incidents.
Bias read (Left): The article frames the critique of 'janšizem' as a systemic issue affecting all levels of governance, emphasizing the need for institutional integrity and professional continuity. The language used suggests a left-leaning perspective by highlighting the negative aspects of centralized power and the腐
The article discusses an interview with Gregor Golobič on N1, where he analyzes the political landscape in Slovenia, focusing on the concept of 'janšizem'—a style of governance associated with former Prime Minister Janez Janša and his party, SDS. Golobič argues that this approach, characterized by a clientelist understanding of state power, has become widespread across the political spectrum, even among those who claim to oppose Janša. He highlights how this system prioritizes political loyalty over professional competence and institutional integrity, leading to the subordination of independent institutions like the administration, parliament, and agencies to the logic of current power. The article provides examples such as the Soče public institution, which allegedly faced funding issues due to the director’s lack of support for the ruling party.
Bias read (Center): The article presents a critical analysis of the political system in Slovenia but does not exhibit overt ideological bias. It frames the discussion around the concept of 'janšizem' as a systemic issue rather than attributing blame to any specific group. The language remains analytical and balanced,避免
The article discusses Janez Janša, a prominent Slovenian politician and former prime minister, with the headline suggesting some form of error or misstep associated with him. The content of the article is not fully provided, but based on the title alone, it likely critiques or highlights a mistake made by Janša in his political career or public actions.
Bias read (Center): The article appears to focus on a critique of Janez Janša, a major political figure in Slovenia, which indicates a politically charged subject. However, without additional context or explicit bias in the framing, the lean remains centered.
The article discusses the political evolution of Slovenia's right-wing party, SDS, and its leader, Janez Janša, analyzing their shift from portraying themselves as victims of leftist 'prevarants' to positioning themselves as national leaders. It highlights how SDS historically used victim rhetoric to explain electoral losses but notes that this approach has not been politically effective in the long term. The piece contrasts Janša with former leaders like Janez Drnovšek, who were seen as self-assured and composed, while Janša is perceived as resentful and power-hungry. The article suggests that despite challenges, Janša came closest to breaking free from the 'victim mentality' typical of Slovenian conservatism, though historical and personal factors kept him trapped in this mindset.
Bias read (Center): The article provides an analytical overview of SDS's political strategy and Janša's leadership style without overtly favoring one side. It critiques both the party's past reliance on victimhood rhetoric and Janša's perceived shortcomings, presenting a balanced view of his political trajectory and SD
Bogomir Kovač, a prominent Slovenian politician, has commented on the current political landscape, describing the political game as transparent and tedious. He likely refers to the visible strategies and actions within Slovenia's political arena, possibly critiquing the lack of substantive change or innovation in governance. His remarks suggest frustration with the status quo and may reflect broader sentiments among citizens regarding political processes.
Bias read (Center): The article presents a statement by a notable political figure without overtly favoring any particular side. It does not include biased language, one-sided sourcing, or omissions that would indicate a clear ideological leaning. The content remains focused on the general critique of political games,
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