Why the ultra De la Espirella marginalizes to the right of Uribe in Colombia

Abelardo de la Espriella, a 49-year-old ultraderechista, will assume the presidency of Colombia on August 7, marking an unprecedented inauguration at a private university in Cali, the third-largest city in the country. With 12.9 million votes, De la Espriella lacks a parliamentary faction, yet his administration begins amid heightened political tensions. The institutional transition process with the outgoing progressive government of Gustavo Petro has been disrupted by clashes between the two sides. While conflicts with the left were anticipated, the real surprise lies in internal divisions within his coalition, particularly with the traditional right-wing faction led by former president Álvaro Uribe. Two days after the second round of presidential elections, even before the official confirmation of De la Espriella’s victory, the Centro Democrático declared itself the ruling party and presented a list of legislative priorities to the new president-elect. This move solidified an alliance with the 47 lawmakers from the Centro Democrático, which had already been assumed as a given during the campaign. However, this harmony did not last long. De la Espriella's first political setback came before his formal swearing-in. During the Congress installation on July 20, the Senate presidency was awarded to Honorio Henríquez of the Centro Democrático rather than Alfredo Deluque of the Partido de la U, the latter backed by De la Espriella. Traditionally, this position should have gone to the Urabío bloc, the dominant force within the coalition. Despite De la Espriella’s attempt to challenge this unwritten rule, the effort ended in failure. Uribe himself did not wait long to issue his warnings. Although he reiterated his support for initiatives aligned with his principles, he also made a pointed remark using his signature style: “If the tiger roars to destroy the Centro Democrático, we must defend ourselves like hardworking bees.” Rather than retreating from the former leader, De la Espriella responded with a sharp political statement: “There are fleas who have the insignificant right to bite tigers, but tigers will not stop their march over such nonsense.” The rift within the conservative bloc is not yet ideological. On issues such as security, economy, and dismantling Petro’s policies, there is near consensus. The struggle is more pragmatic, centered around power dynamics and leadership aspirations. Political analyst Yann Basset views the conflict as a generational split within the right. One side represents the traditional establishment, anchored by Uribe at 74 years old. The other consists of a radicalized faction, closer to libertarianism, inspired by figures like Trump, Bukele, and Milei, and less reliant on Uribe’s endorsement. De la Espriella, leading the young movement Defensores de la Patria, seeks to lead this new order. Thus, the core tension lies in the contest for leadership between these two factions within the same broader group, which rely on each other but often speak different languages. Camilo Cruz, a political scientist from the University of Valle, describes the conflict as a clash between an established force and a rising one. The Centro Democrático operates as a well-oiled machine built on parliamentary consensus, having spent twelve years shaping its influence through negotiation, deals, and patronage systems. De la Espriella, in contrast, emerges as an outsider aiming to bypass such diplomatic traditions and present a tone of confrontation when things do not go smoothly. Basset adds a sociological dimension, noting that the Centro Democrático has become increasingly elitist, shifting from its earlier grassroots popularity under Uribe to a more exclusive structure. This transformation has created a gap between the traditional party and the emerging forces, further complicating the political landscape. As De la Espriella prepares to take office, the challenges ahead remain uncertain, but the internal fractures within the right continue to shape the trajectory of Colombia’s future.