The reason for the PPP announcement is that a 1,435-page report by the WKStA is available.

A 1,435-page evaluation report prepared by Austria’s Economic and Corruption Prosecution Office (WKStA) has been released in connection with the ongoing investigation into alleged misconduct involving the Austrian People's Party (ÖVP). The document, dated July 30, 2026, forms part one of the investigation and covers the period from January 1, 2016, to July 31, 2018. It compiles data obtained during house searches conducted in October 2021, along with confessions from key witnesses such as former ÖVP official Thomas Schmid and survey researcher Sabine Beinschab, among other findings. The probe centers around allegations that former Foreign Minister Sebastian Kurz, alongside his inner circle, sought to take control of the ÖVP and the chancellor’s office. To create public support for Kurz and opposition against the ruling coalition of the Social Democratic Party (SPÖ) and ÖVP, Schmid allegedly developed a tool known as the “Beinschab-Tool.” This system was used to manipulate surveys conducted by researchers Sophie Karmasin and Beinschab, which were later published in the tabloid newspaper Österreich. These reports are believed to have been funded using public money from the Ministry of Finance. Part one of the evaluation report links data collected by the prosecution with statements made by Schmid and Beinschab, as well as other investigative results. Sources include information from Beinschab, Karmasin, and the media group Österreich, which delayed the release of documents due to a complex review process lasting nearly three years. According to the report, none of the accused individuals have provided comprehensive explanations regarding their involvement, leaving a lack of coherent narrative about the events. The report outlines how the so-called “Beinschab-Tool” operated in two phases. During the first phase in 2016, Beinschab conducted six waves of surveys. Schmid and/or Johannes Frischmann, then spokesperson for the Ministry of Finance and later Kurz’s press officer, supposedly dictated the content of these surveys, which were then billed to a company considered part of the Österreich media group by the prosecution. As compensation for publishing the manipulated results in print and online, the Ministry of Finance reportedly placed advertisements in the Fellner Group. In the second phase beginning in autumn 2016, the Ministry of Finance commissioned Beinschab to conduct a total of 14 studies. In addition to official assignments, she carried out unofficial surveys and research under orders from Schmid and/or Frischmann. Payments for these services were concealed through the official study contracts. The report provides detailed accounts of the surveys and studies, many of which have already been disclosed through Schmid’s testimony and chat records. New insights include communications between the survey researchers. For example, Karmasin wrote to Beinschab after meeting with Österreich managing director Helmuth Fellner in March 2016, noting the encounter as “strange.” In a proposal sent to Fellner, Beinschab referenced “the interesting meeting last week.” Karmasin also mentioned that once the proposal was submitted, “Thomas” (referring to Schmid) had to approve it, describing the process as “no easy task.” Emails exchanged between Beinschab and Fellner reveal discussions about meetings between Österreich and the Ministry of Finance concerning the survey topic. The report meticulously documents the relationships between Karmasin and Beinschab, Schmid and Frischmann, and Fellner. However, it does not provide conclusive evidence linking all activities directly to Kurz, despite Schmid’s assertion in his witness statement that everything occurred on Kurz’s behalf. Kurz denies any involvement in the affairs. Chats between Schmid and Kurz indicate some level of communication, including a message in which Kurz remarked on a survey result: “Good survey, good job.” Such exchanges remain central to the investigation, though they do not definitively establish Kurz’s role in the alleged manipulation of public opinion.