In the wake of the 2026 presidential elections in Colombia, journalist Salud Hernández-Mora has raised serious concerns about the legitimacy of the results obtained by Iván Cepeda, a prominent political figure and candidate from the Pacto Histórico coalition. Her remarks focus on the alleged influence of illegal armed groups on the election outcome, particularly in certain regions where Cepeda saw significant increases in his vote count between the first and second rounds of voting. These areas include municipalities such as San Vicente del Caguán, Cartagena del Chairá, and Solano in the department of Caquetá, as well as several towns in Chocó, Cauca, and Nariño. In these locations, Hernández-Mora points to notable jumps in voter participation and support for Cepeda, suggesting that this growth might have been artificially inflated by external factors beyond traditional campaign strategies.
The journalist specifically highlights the presence of known criminal structures operating in these regions, including individuals identified under aliases such as "Calarcá." She argues that these groups could have exerted pressure on voters, either directly or indirectly, influencing their choices during the election process. This notion of "votes from the barrel" or "blood votes," as she calls them, challenges claims made by Cepeda himself, who has publicly acknowledged some errors in his campaign but insists that he remains solely responsible for any missteps. Despite this admission, Hernández-Mora contends that Cepeda's campaign cannot be considered clean given the potential involvement of illicit actors in securing his victory.
Her critique extends further when she notes the absence of any formal acknowledgment from Cepeda regarding the possible role of these groups in his electoral success. During his post-election speech, she observed that there was no explicit gratitude expressed toward the communities affected by these organizations, which she views as a critical oversight. The journalist emphasizes that the lack of recognition for these groups' influence undermines the narrative of a purely ethical campaign and raises questions about the integrity of the entire electoral process.
Meanwhile, another voice in the political landscape, Senator Paulino Riascos, has issued grave warnings about the personal risks he faces due to his stance against supporting Cepeda. Riascos, who recently left the Congress, criticized both the Pacto Histórico party and the administration of President Gustavo Petro for their treatment of Afro-Colombian communities. He claimed that threats have been directed at him, implying that his refusal to back Cepeda has placed his life in danger. His comments reflect broader tensions within the political sphere, particularly concerning the allocation of resources and support for marginalized communities, which he feels have been neglected compared to indigenous populations.
As the political discourse continues to evolve, other figures have also weighed in on the situation. Claudia López, who previously supported Petro in the 2022 elections, now expresses her backing for Cepeda, signaling a shift in allegiances among key players in Colombian politics. Additionally, former President Álvaro Uribe finds himself under investigation by the Fiscalía over allegations related to past massacres, adding yet another layer of complexity to the current political climate. These developments underscore the multifaceted nature of the ongoing discussions surrounding the recent elections and the implications they hold for the future direction of Colombian governance.
5 reports
SemanaIndependentConservativeFactual 85Objective 7012 days agoJournalist Salud Hernández-Mora criticized Iván Cepeda's election results in several municipalities, suggesting that his victory was aided by illegal armed groups. She claimed that Cepeda did not acknowledge the support of these groups during his post-election speech and pointed to increased voter turnout in areas known for criminal activity. Hernández-Mora highlighted specific regions like San Vicente del Caguán and Cartagena del Chairá where Cepeda saw significant increases in votes between the first and second rounds. She also mentioned other municipalities in Chocó, Cauca, and Nariño where Cepeda achieved large majorities. The journalist accused Cepeda of hypocrisy for claiming a clean campaign despite alleged involvement of armed groups.
Bias read (Conservative): The article frames Iván Cepeda's election success as being influenced by illegal armed groups, using terms like 'votos de fusil' ('gun votes') and implying moral hypocrisy. It emphasizes the role of criminal structures in his victory and criticizes him for not acknowledging this support publicly. Sø
Why these scores (Factual 85 · Objective 70): The article reports on the Pacto Histórico’s response to the election results, noting their refusal to recognize Abelardo de la Espriella’s victory. It includes quotes and analysis but leans towards a critical perspective of Cepeda’s campaign, influencing perceived neutrality.
La Silla VacíaIndependentCenterFactual 85Objective 7018 days agoIn rural areas of northern Caquetá, residents continue to face pressure to vote for Iván Cepeda, a candidate from the Pacto Histórico. Testimonies from leaders in Cartagena del Chairá indicate that members of the 'Calarcá' group are pressuring communities to support Cepeda, similar to what occurred in the first round of voting. The governor of Caquetá, Luis Francisco Ruiz, has previously raised concerns about these activities. These groups, associated with the State Major of Blocks and Fronts (EMByF), are reportedly engaging in coercive practices that harm the environment. Despite these claims
Bias read (Center): The article presents information from multiple sources including testimonies and the governor’s statements without overtly favoring any side. It discusses both the pressures faced by voters and their potential impact on the election, maintaining a balanced perspective.
Why these scores (Factual 85 · Objective 70): The article details the involvement of government officials in Cepeda’s campaign, citing data from Función Pública. It presents facts about legal restrictions and campaign practices, though the tone slightly leans toward critical commentary on state influence in politics.
La Silla VacíaIndependentCenterFactual 80Objective 6518 days ago Cepeda campaign has 1051 officials and contractors registered as volunteersLa Silla Vacía analyzed the volunteer database of Iván Cepeda's presidential campaign and found that at least 900 contractors and 150 public officials nationwide are registered as volunteers. The presence of public officials in a political campaign is prohibited by law, while contractors are not legally restricted. However, their inclusion suggests a potential relationship between state entities and the campaign, particularly in agencies like the National Land Agency, which has been politicized under President Petro's administration. The campaign's volunteer platform, called 'Michi,' collects
Bias read (Center): The article presents factual findings from data analysis without overtly favoring any political side. It explains legal restrictions and provides context about the campaign's structure but does not use biased language or selectively present information.
Why these scores (Factual 80 · Objective 65): This piece highlights Margarita Rosa de Francisco’s support for Cepeda and her call for the center to vote for him. While it provides context on her public stance, it lacks balance by not mentioning dissenting views, resulting in a somewhat one-sided narrative.
La Silla VacíaIndependentConservativeFactual 75Objective 6521 days ago De La Espriella continues to grow the blacklist of politicians of petrismAbelardo De La Espriella, an attorney, has been publishing names of politicians from the Pacto Histórico who are allegedly involved in a scheme to buy votes for Iván Cepeda. These claims have been made without evidence and with threats to report them to the United States. Recent additions to the list include elected representative Andrés Vargas, a student leader from the Atlantic region, and Luis Eduardo Llinás, former director of the DIAN and friend of President Petro, who has influence in Antioquia. The article mentions new names added to the list, including Angélica Verbel, the deputy under
Bias read (Conservative): The article presents allegations against members of the Pacto Histórico without providing evidence, which could imply a lack of due process. Additionally, it highlights the actions of Abelardo De La Espriella, who is known for his opposition to leftist politics, suggesting a potential ideological sl
Why these scores (Factual 75 · Objective 65): Features an image and statement from Margarita Rosa de Francisco supporting Cepeda. While factual, it focuses on her endorsement rather than broader political context, showing limited objectivity.
SemanaIndependentCenterFactual 50Objective 5517 days ago Paulino Riascos warns that his life is at risk for not supporting Iván Cepeda: They already have me programmed to kill meSenator Paulino Riascos announced his departure from Congress, criticizing the Pacto Histórico party and the support provided by President Gustavo Petro's administration to Afro-Colombian communities. Riascos claimed his life is at risk due to his refusal to back Iván Cepeda, stating he has been targeted for not supporting Cepeda's campaign. He also criticized the lack of economic support for Afro-Colombian communities compared to indigenous groups. The article mentions other related developments, including Álvaro Uribe being called for investigation by the Prosecutor's Office and Claudia Lópé
Bias read (Center): The article presents statements from multiple political figures without overtly favoring any side. It includes direct quotes from Riascos expressing concerns about safety and criticism of policies, but does not provide additional context or commentary that would indicate a clear ideological slant.
Why these scores (Factual 50 · Objective 55): This article includes personal statements and allegations against politicians but does not reference the DANE's poverty statistics. Factual accuracy related to the primary source is not addressed. The tone is more emotionally charged, especially with quotes about threats to life.
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