Kazakhstan’s Election Brings a New Parliament — and More Pressure on Journalists

Kazakhstan's voters cast their ballots on Sunday in the country's first election for a new unicameral Parliament, marking another step in President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev's push for constitutional reform. The single-chamber legislature, named the Kurultai, replaces the previous two-chamber system, eliminating the upper house and shifting to a fully proportional representation model based on party lists. Seven parties participated in the election, competing for 145 seats, with each candidate running under a party banner. Voters began casting their ballots at 7 a.m., with polls closing at 8 p.m. The results, announced Tuesday by Kazakhstan’s Central Election Commission, showed the pro-presidential Adilet, or “Justice,” party securing 71.17 percent of the vote, approximately 6.5 million ballots, and a clear majority. Turnout stood at 74 percent, according to the commission. The Adilet party, which supports Tokayev’s policies, emerged victorious in a race where none of the seven participating parties openly opposed the president. International observers noted that all contenders aligned with the administration’s agenda, suggesting little room for dissent within the political framework. Tokayev himself cast his ballot on Sunday, expressing optimism about the new Parliament’s potential to drive national progress. “I pin great hopes on the election of Kurultai and believe that it will give a major impetus to the development of our country,” he stated, emphasizing the importance of the new legislative body. However, independent observers and human rights groups raised serious concerns about the conditions surrounding the election. They highlighted the suppression of free speech and the growing pressure on journalists. Nazira Darimbet, head of the human rights organization Adil Soz, described the elections as occurring “in grave silence, as quietly as a graveyard,” noting the absence of independent journalists documenting alleged irregularities. She warned that such tactics would likely continue, further restricting public discourse. The climate of repression intensified in the weeks leading up to the vote. Five days before the election, Gulnara Bazhkenova, former editor-in-chief of the newspaper Orda, was sentenced to eight years in prison on charges including embezzlement, illegal business activities, and dissemination of false information. Her sentence was temporarily deferred due to having a minor child. Bazhkenova was also barred from working as a journalist or holding leadership roles for five years. In her final statement, she denied the accusations, claiming she had not stolen anything and that the legal process was unjust. Other journalists faced similar threats. Azamat Omarov, a political observer known for his YouTube channel Akhual Segodnya (“Today’s Situation”), was arrested in July for allegedly inciting social unrest. His content included satirical videos and critical remarks about the government and Tokayev. Omarov’s channel is currently inaccessible online. Meanwhile, journalists Lukpan Akhmedyarov and Dinara Yegeubayeva were restricted from traveling abroad. Akhmedyarov was charged with spreading “false information,” despite colleagues and activists believing the charges related to his sharing information from a Ukrainian government website about Kazakh citizens fighting in Ukraine. Yegeubayeva, meanwhile, became embroiled in a criminal case after a cyclist collided with her car, prompting demands for compensation. These incidents underscore broader concerns among advocacy groups about the state’s increasing control over the media and its efforts to suppress dissent. Diana Okremova, head of the Legal Media Center, which safeguards journalists, echoed these sentiments, stating that the actions taken by authorities aim to foster self-censorship and intimidate the press. Such measures, she argued, threaten the integrity of democratic processes and the freedom of expression.